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Post 0

Monday, December 3, 2007 - 1:46pmSanction this postReply
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If accurate, it doesn't alter my view about whether the Iranian mullahcracy should be overthrown by U.S. action, but it does put an interesting wrinkle in things.



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Post 1

Monday, December 3, 2007 - 2:40pmSanction this postReply
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IF true, it means something else: that Iran was not anxious to experience the same kind of "interventionism" that we practiced on Saddam.

If Iran was indeed intimidated into halting its nuke program, do you think Ron Paul will refer that as "blowback"?



Post 2

Monday, December 3, 2007 - 7:08pmSanction this postReply
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Stratfor weighed in on this today with the following email alert:

The NIE Report: Solving a Geopolitical Problem with Iran

By George Friedman

The United States released a new National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Dec. 3. It said, "We judge with high confidence that in the fall of 2003, Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program." It went on to say, "Tehran's decision to halt its nuclear weapons program suggests it is less determined to develop nuclear weapons than we have been judging since 2005." It further said, "Our assessment that Iran halted the program in 2003 primarily in response to international pressure indicates Tehran's decisions are guided by a cost-benefit approach rather than a rush to a weapon irrespective of the political, economic and military costs."

With this announcement, the dynamics of the Middle Eastern region, Iraq and U.S.-Iranian relations shift dramatically. For one thing, the probability of a unilateral strike against Iranian nuclear targets is gone. Since there is no Iranian nuclear weapons program, there is no rationale for a strike. Moreover, if Iran is not engaged in weapons production, then a broader air campaign designed to destabilize the Iranian regime has no foundation either.

The NIE release represents a transformation of U.S. policy toward Iran. The Bush administration made Iran's nuclear weapons program the main reason for its attempt to create an international coalition against Iran, on the premise that a nuclear-armed Iran was unacceptable. If there is no Iranian nuclear program, then what is the rationale for the coalition? Moreover, what is the logic of resisting Iran's efforts in Iraq, rather than cooperating?

In looking at the report, a number of obvious questions come up. First, how did the intelligence community reach the wrong conclusion in the spring of 2005, when it last released an NIE on Iran, and what changed by 2007? Also, why did the United States reach the wrong conclusions on Iran three years after its program was halted? There are two possible answers. One is intelligence failure and the other is political redefinition. Both must be explored.

Let's begin with intelligence failure. Intelligence is not an easy task. Knowing what is going on inside of a building is harder than it might seem. Regardless of all the technical capabilities -- from imagery in all spectra to sensing radiation leakage at a distance -- huge uncertainties always remain. Failing to get a positive reading does not mean the facility is not up and running. It might just have been obscured, or the technical means to discover it are insufficient. The default setting in technical intelligence is that, while things can be ruled in, they cannot simply be ruled out by lack of evidence.

You need to go into the building. Indeed, you need to go into many buildings, look around, see what is happening and report back. Getting into highly secure buildings may be easy in the movies. It is not easy in real life. Getting someone into the building who knows what he is seeing is even harder. Getting him out alive to report back, and then repeating the process in other buildings, is even harder. It can be done -- though not easily or repeatedly.

Recruiting someone who works in the building is an option, but at the end of the day you have to rely on his word as to what he saw. That too, is a risk. He might well be a double agent who is inventing information to make money, or he could just be wrong. There is an endless number of ways that recruiting on-site sources can lead you to the wrong conclusion.

Source-based intelligence would appear to be the only way to go. Obviously, it is better to glean information from someone who knows what is going on, rather than to guess. But the problem with source-based intelligence is that, when all is said and done, you can still be just as confused -- or more confused -- than you were at the beginning. You could wind up with a mass of intelligence that can be read either way. It is altogether possible to have so many sources, human and technical, that you have no idea what the truth is. That is when an intelligence organization is most subject to political pressure. When the intelligence could go either way, politics can tilt the system. We do not know what caused the NIE to change its analysis. It could be the result of new, definitive intelligence, or existing intelligence could have been reread from a new political standpoint.

Consider the politics. The assumption was that Iran wanted to develop nuclear weapons -- though its motivations for wanting to do so were never clear to us. First, the Iranians had to assume that, well before they had an operational system, the United States or Israel would destroy it. In other words, it would be a huge effort for little profit. Second, assume that it developed one or two weapons and attacked Israel, for example. Israel might well have been destroyed, but Iran would probably be devastated by an Israeli or U.S. counterstrike. What would be the point?

For Iran to be developing nuclear weapons, it would have to have been prepared to take extraordinary risks. A madman theory, centered around the behavior of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was essential. But as the NIE points out, Iran was "guided by a cost-benefit approach." In simple terms, the Iranians weren't nuts. That is why they didn't build a nuclear program.

That is not to say Iran did not benefit from having the world believe it was building nuclear weapons. The United States is obsessed with nuclear weapons in the hands of states it regards as irrational. By appearing to be irrational and developing nuclear weapons, the Iranians created a valuable asset to use in negotiating with the Americans. The notion of a nuclear weapon in Iranian hands appeared so threatening that the United States might well negotiate away other things -- particularly in Iraq -- in exchange for a halt of the program. Or so the Iranians hoped. Therefore, while they halted development on their weapons program, they were not eager to let the Americans relax. They swung back and forth between asserting their right to operate the program and denying they had one. Moreover, they pushed hard for a civilian power program, which theoretically worried the world less. It drove the Americans up a wall -- precisely where the Iranians wanted them.

As we have argued, the central issue for Iran is not nuclear weapons. It is the future of Iraq. The Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988 was the defining moment in modern Iranian history. It not only devastated Iran, but also weakened the revolution internally. Above all, Tehran never wants to face another Iraqi regime that has the means and motivation to wage war against Iran. That means the Iranians cannot tolerate a Sunni-dominated government that is heavily armed and backed by the United States. Nor, for that matter, does Tehran completely trust Iraq's fractured Shiite bloc with Iran's national security. Iran wants to play a critical role in defining the nature, policies and capabilities of the Iraqi regime.

The recent U.S. successes in Iraq, however limited and transitory they might be, may have caused the Iranians to rethink their view on dealing with the Americans on Iraq. The Americans, regardless of progress, cannot easily suppress all of the Shiite militias. The Iranians cannot impose a regime on Iraq, though they can destabilize the process. A successful outcome requires a degree of cooperation -- and recent indications suggest that Iran is prepared to provide that cooperation.

That puts the United States in an incredibly difficult position. On the one hand, it needs Iran for the endgame in Iraq. On the other, negotiating with Iran while it is developing nuclear weapons runs counter to fundamental U.S. policies and the coalition it was trying to construct. As long as Iran was building nuclear weapons, working with Iran on Iraq was impossible.

The NIE solves a geopolitical problem for the United States. Washington cannot impose a unilateral settlement on Iraq, nor can it sustain forever the level of military commitment it has made to Iraq. There are other fires starting to burn around the world. At the same time, Washington cannot work with Tehran while it is building nuclear weapons. Hence, the NIE: While Iran does have a nuclear power program, it is not building nuclear weapons.

Perhaps there was a spectacular and definitive intelligence breakthrough that demonstrated categorically that the prior assessments were wrong. Proving a negative is tough, and getting a definitive piece of intelligence is hard. Certainly, no matter how definitive the latest intelligence might have been, a lot of people want Iran to be building a nuclear weapon, so the debate over the meaning of this intelligence would have roared throughout the intelligence community and the White House. Keeping such debate this quiet and orderly is not Washington's style.

Perhaps the Iranians are ready to deal, and so decided to open up their facility for the Americans to see. Still, regardless of what the Iranians opened up, some would have argued that the United States was given a tour only of what the Iranians wanted them to see. There is a mention in the report that any Iranian program would be covert rather than overt, and that might reflect such concerns. However, all serious nuclear programs are always covert until they succeed. Nothing is more vulnerable than an incomplete nuclear program.

We are struck by the suddenness of the NIE report. Explosive new intelligence would have been more hotly contested. We suspect two things. First, the intelligence on the Iranian nuclear program consisted of a great number of pieces, many of which were inherently ambiguous and could be interpreted in multiple ways. Second, the weight of evidence for there being an Iranian nuclear program was shaded by the political proclivities of the administration, which saw the threat of a U.S. strike as intimidating Iran, and the weapons program discussion as justifying it. Third, the change in political requirements on both sides made a new assessment useful. This last has certainly been the case in all things Middle Eastern these past few days on issues ranging from the Palestinians to Syria to U.S. forces in Iraq -- so why should this issue be any different?

If this thesis is correct, then we should start seeing some movement on Iraq between the United States and Iran. Certainly the major blocker from the U.S. side has been removed and the success of U.S. policies of late should motivate the Iranians. In any case, the entire framework for U.S.-Iranian relations would appear to have shifted, and with it the structure of geopolitical relations throughout the region.

Intelligence is rarely as important as when it is proven wrong.

Tell George what you think

Get your own copy




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Post 3

Monday, December 3, 2007 - 8:52pmSanction this postReply
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"Moreover, what is the logic of resisting Iran's efforts in Iraq, rather than cooperating?"

He's kidding, right?

Iran, the NIE now believes, isn't developing nuclear weapons right now so their training, funding, and supplying weapons to people in Iraq who are killing American soldiers is an ok activity?

Because Iran is not now developing nuclear weapons, the U.S. has no reason to resist allowing the prime state sponsor of terrorism in the world from creating a satellite or puppet government in Iraq?

This is pure bullshit.

The NIE report, even if accurate in every respect, doesn't change the nature of the Iranian regime nor its actual activities for the past 30 years. Get real.





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Post 4

Tuesday, December 4, 2007 - 12:44amSanction this postReply
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This report was commissioned by Harry Reid, and most likely written by bureaucratic time-servers - you know, the type who didn't want to be assigned to diplomatic posts in such (not so?) dangerous areas. In other words, 16 Valery Plames.

Nevertheless, the burden of proof lies not on us but on Iran to allow inspectors to prove compliance with prior treaties and assurances. When that happens, then I'll lend some credence. No one says that Ahmedinijad has been proven not to have said he would have Israel blown off the map, in a blast nuclear or conventional.

Ted Keer



Post 5

Tuesday, December 4, 2007 - 1:49pmSanction this postReply
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It was written by 3 state department people - (or former state department people) and the CIA and other intelligence agencies have expressed dissent.  I am skeptical of it and anything to do with Iran.




Post 6

Tuesday, December 4, 2007 - 1:52pmSanction this postReply
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NY Times on NIE 2005 Report

"International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors have found that Iran, working in secrecy for 18 years, from 1985 to 2003, pursued many technologies to enrich uranium. Iran said it was simply seeking to enrich uranium to produce electricity, and had to do so in secret because Europe, Israel and the United States would try to deny it technology.

Much of Iran’s clandestine work violated Iran’s obligations under the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which requires signatories to fully disclose their atomic labors. At the same time, Iran made no secret of its ambitions to build large rockets and warheads that were ideally suited for delivering nuclear arms. For two decades, with the aid of North Korea, the Iranians have developed generations of long-range rockets." [Emphasis added.]




Post 7

Tuesday, December 4, 2007 - 2:08pmSanction this postReply
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Kurt,

Interesting. Can you supply some references? Israel has dissented, but the NYT article offered no quotes indicating why.





Post 8

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 3:27amSanction this postReply
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Kurt: Who sat down and wrote the NIE is of no importance at all - it is endorsed by each of the 16 intelligence agencies and it represents the consensus view of these organizations. The CIA have not expressed any dissent to my knowledge, and if you have evidence to the contrary, please provide it. Of course it may well be that there are individual CIA officers who dissent. There always are, in any case like this. The dissenters are not "The CIA" as a corporate entity. The CIA endorses the NIE, as far as I know.

Perhaps you might find Norman Podhertz's angle - that the whole thing is a ploy to discredit Bush on behalf of the intelligence community - a better bet if you want to distrust the NIE?
(Edited by Jeremy B on 12/05, 3:29am)




Post 9

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 7:35amSanction this postReply
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Of course, (though admittedly this is mere speculation), the evaluation that the Iranians halted their nuclear weapons development program doesn't prevent them from getting one from North Korea.

[Update]

The IAEA, at any rate, is skeptical of the NIE.

PARIS, Dec. 4 — The International Atomic Energy Agency on Tuesday publicly embraced the new American intelligence assessment stating that Iran had halted its nuclear weapons effort, but in truth the agency is taking a more cautious approach in drawing conclusions about Iran’s nuclear program.

A report last month by Mohamed ElBaradei, the international agency’s leader, was less categorical than the American finding.
Enlarge This Image
Hasan Sarbakhshian/Associated Press

The International Atomic Energy Agency says it has "outstanding issues" about Iran’s nuclear enrichment complex in Natanz.

“To be frank, we are more skeptical,” a senior official close to the agency said. “We don’t buy the American analysis 100 percent. We are not that generous with Iran.”

The official called the American assertion that Iran had “halted” its weapons program in 2003 “somewhat surprising.”


and, later


"The agency acknowledged there were still “outstanding issues” regarding the scope and nature of the nuclear enrichment facility at Natanz and activities that could have military applications, Dr. ElBaradei said.

The American analysis twice describes the Natanz enrichment program as civilian, and omits the administration’s oft-cited analysis that there is no logical application for enriched uranium other than eventual military use. Referring to the finding’s characterization of uranium enrichment, the official allied with the international agency said, “We wouldn’t go that far.”

(Edited by Jeff Perren on 12/05, 8:00am)




Post 10

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 9:32amSanction this postReply
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Take a look at:
http://atlasshrugs2000.typepad.com/atlas_shrugs/iran_the_end_of_the_world_as_we_know_it_2007/index.html

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB119677502931613077.html?mod=hps_us_whats_news

From the former:

Our own "confidence" is not heightened by the fact that the NIE's main authors include three former State Department officials with previous reputations as "hyper-partisan anti-Bush officials," according to an intelligence source. They are Tom Fingar, formerly of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research; Vann Van Diepen, the National Intelligence Officer for WMD; and Kenneth Brill, the former U.S. Ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

 

i.e. - a bunch of political hacks

 

As the NIE acknowledges, Iran continues to enrich uranium on an industrial scale -- that is, build the capability to make the fuel for a potential bomb. And it is doing so in open defiance of binding U.N. resolutions.

 

and the conclusion I agree with:

 

Our intelligence services are supposed to inform the policies of elected officials, but increasingly their judgments seem to be setting policy. This is dangerous.

<SCRIPT src="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~s/typepad/atlasshrugs2000/atlas_shrugs?i=http://atlasshrugs2000.typepad.com/atlas_shrugs/2007/12/coup-against-wh.html" type=text/javascript>




Post 11

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 9:59amSanction this postReply
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As I said, who wrote the report matters not - they could have been card carrying members of Hezbollah and it would be irrelevant. If I draft a letter for you and you sign it, it's a letter from you, not from me. The NIE is a report from the 16 agencies, not from the 3 hacks.

The first link borders on the pathological. "Coup Against The White House", indeed. Does the author realise that the Director of National Intelligence (DNI), although not directly elected, was appointed by Bush himself less than a year ago? And now he's supposed to be leading a coup against him? More importantly, the NIE was released by the White House, of their own free will; they could have chosen to keep it under wraps for as long as they wanted. I guess they decided to launch a coup against themselves?
(Edited by Jeremy B on 12/05, 10:37am)




Post 12

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 1:49pmSanction this postReply
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regardless of the politics of it - and I admit this is a source that obviously has an opionion, not that it is any different from everyone else reporting this, is that there is no damn way Iran is just "peacefully pursuing" nuclear power.  Earlier the same people said, just as strongly, the exact damn opposite.

Or, to give an analogy, if a report came out and correctly stated that the Germans have halted their plan to occupy the Rhineland in 1933 - did it stop them from doing so in 1936?  No - their intentions remained the same -




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Post 13

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 3:31pmSanction this postReply
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If the intelligence reports said Iran was developing nuclear weapons, I'm sure the media would be reporting how the intelligence was wrong in Iraq, and thus this intelligence should be placed into doubt. Damned if you do, damned if you don't. All of a sudden now the media is accepting the validity of intelligence reports.



Post 14

Wednesday, December 5, 2007 - 11:44pmSanction this postReply
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Kurt: Yes, they have changed their mind, and yes, the same intelligence guys were completely wrong on the question of Iraq's WMDs. They don't have a great track record. However, their current position is also shared by the IAEA, amongst other people, which lends it some extra credibility. Also, their current position is awkward for the White House - this, to me, makes it much more plausible than when they were saying what the White House wanted to hear, since inevitably the White House have influence over what the intelligence community say, or at least what they publically say. When they dissent, that's something to take note of.

As for the point that Iran is still enriching uranium and could restart the program - yes, and the NIE underlines this, however, the point is that they clearly are not maniacs bent on building a bomb at all costs, since, for whatever reason, they are not currently doing so. If you want, you can see this as vindication for the Bush doctrine and think they were intimidated by the invasion of Iraq. That's not the point - the point is that the Iranian leadership have made a decision not to persue a bomb, which suggests that, with the correct handling, they might agree to stop enrichment as well. Whereas if they had a nuclear weapons program right now, it would suggest that they were undeterrable, and might demand a military response (bombing).

The Germany analogy breaks down because Nazi Germany was a monolithic state but Iran is not. They have elections, albeit with "approved" candidates, but there is an element of genuine choice, and commentators say that many Iranians don't like Ahmadinejad's confrontational stance (nor his economic incompetence). If someone more accomadating comes into power then it could well be that Iran's intentions do change, although I admit that's optimistic.



Post 15

Thursday, December 6, 2007 - 1:50amSanction this postReply
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you might find this of interest, regarding this report.....

http://atlasshrugs2000.typepad.com/atlas_shrugs/2007/12/the-saboteurs.html




Post 16

Thursday, December 6, 2007 - 5:37amSanction this postReply
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This is getting better and better. I think this statement is symptomatic of the whole problem:
All of this [referring to Iran's sponsorship of terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Levant] is completely evaded in the NIE's benevolent assessment of Iran's intentions.

The NIE makes no assessment of Iran's intentions. It is purely an assessment of whether Iran has a nuclear weapons program or not. Not whether it would like one, or intends to restart one, but whether it actually, physically, has got one. The NIE says no, it doesn't. The author, unhappy with this judgment and its implications (that we don't need to attack Iran), sees it as pro-Iran propaganda.

Yet he seems to have forgotten that the NIE represents the views of all 16 intelligence agencies. So he is, in effect, accusing the CIA of being pro-Iran. That's quite a funny thought, I must admit. It's even better because he's also saying that the White House is pro-Iran for choosing to declassify it! Well, maybe they are. Or maybe the CIA are anti-Iran but honestly don't believe they have a nuclear program? I know the CIA aren't known for their honesty, but they tend to lie to undermine America's enemies, not support them.



Post 17

Thursday, December 6, 2007 - 6:25amSanction this postReply
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Iran is not in any way acting like a nation with nothing to hide, and given intelligence failures they deserve no benefit of the doubt.  That said, I am not saying we should necessarily attack them - but they deserve no propaganda coups delivered by non-elected agenda driven hacks.

Also, the CIA and the entire US intelligence community as well as state is no monolith - there are all kinds of people with various positions and political axes to grind.  They are not all controlled by the president - even if theoretically they are, in reality they are not - or even elected, and instead of being neutral are basically using their positions to pursue agendas out of synch with what the President, or even Congress, and the elected officials wish them to do. 




Post 18

Thursday, December 6, 2007 - 6:28amSanction this postReply
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Here is Thomas PM Barnett's take - less biased to either "side" I believe:

http://www.thomaspmbarnett.com/weblog/2007/12/dissecting_irans_decision_not.html




Post 19

Thursday, December 6, 2007 - 7:17amSanction this postReply
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NIE November 2007

Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities November 2007

OFFICE OF THE DIRECTOR OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE

The Director of National Intelligence serves as the head of the Intelligence Community
(IC), overseeing and directing the implementation of the National Intelligence Program
and acting as the principal advisor to the President, the National Security Council, and the
Homeland Security Council for intelligence matters.

The Office of the Director of National Intelligence is charged with:
• Integrating the domestic and foreign dimensions of US intelligence so that there are
no gaps in our understanding of threats to our national security;
• Bringing more depth and accuracy to intelligence analysis; and
• Ensuring that US intelligence resources generate future capabilities as well as present
results.

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE COUNCIL

Since its formation in 1973, the National Intelligence Council (NIC) has served as a
bridge between the intelligence and policy communities, a source of deep substantive
expertise on critical national security issues, and as a focal point for Intelligence
Community collaboration. The NIC's key goal is to provide policymakers with the best,
unvarnished, and unbiased information—regardless of whether analytic judgments
conform to US policy. Its primary functions are to:
• Support the DNI in his role as Principal Intelligence Advisor to the President and
other senior policymakers.
• Lead the Intelligence Community's effort to produce National Intelligence Estimates
(NIEs) and other NIC products that address key national security concerns.
• Provide a focal point for policymakers, warfighters, and Congressional leaders to task
the Intelligence Community for answers to important questions.
• Reach out to nongovernment experts in academia and the private sector—and use
alternative analyses and new analytic tools—to broaden and deepen the Intelligence
Community's perspective.

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATES AND THE NIE PROCESS

National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) are the Intelligence Community’s (IC) most
authoritative written judgments on national security issues and designed to help US
civilian and military leaders develop policies to protect US national security interests.
NIEs usually provide information on the current state of play but are primarily
“estimative”—that is, they make judgments about the likely course of future events and
identify the implications for US policy.

The NIEs are typically requested by senior civilian and military policymakers,
Congressional leaders and at times are initiated by the National Intelligence Council
(NIC). Before a NIE is drafted, the relevant NIO is responsible for producing a concept
paper or terms of reference (TOR) and circulates it throughout the Intelligence
Community for comment. The TOR defines the key estimative questions, determines
drafting responsibilities, and sets the drafting and publication schedule. One or more IC
analysts are usually assigned to produce the initial text. The NIC then meets to critique
the draft before it is circulated to the broader IC. Representatives from the relevant IC
agencies meet to hone and coordinate line-by-line the full text of the NIE. Working with
their Agencies, reps also assign the level of confidence they have in each key judgment.
IC reps discuss the quality of sources with collectors, and the National Clandestine
Service vets the sources used to ensure the draft does not include any that have been
recalled or otherwise seriously questioned.

All NIEs are reviewed by National Intelligence Board, which is chaired by the DNI and is
composed of the heads of relevant IC agencies. Once approved by the NIB, NIEs are
briefed to the President and senior policymakers. The whole process of producing NIEs
normally takes at least several months.

The NIC has undertaken a number of steps to improve the NIE process under the DNI.
These steps are in accordance with the goals and recommendations set out in the SSCI
and WMD Commission reports and the 2004 Intelligence Reform and Prevention of
Terrorism Act. Most notably, over the last year and a half, the IC has:

• Created new procedures to integrate formal reviews of source reporting and
technical judgments. The Directors of the National Clandestine Service, NSA, NGA,
and DIA and the Assistant Secretary/INR are now required to submit formal
assessments that highlight the strengths, weaknesses, and overall credibility of their
sources used in developing the critical judgments of the NIE.
• Applied more rigorous standards. A textbox is incorporated into all NIEs that
explains what we mean by such terms as “we judge” and that clarifies the difference
between judgments of likelihood and confidence levels. We have made a concerted
effort to not only highlight differences among agencies but to explain the reasons for
such differences and to prominently display them in the Key Judgments.

S c o p e N o t e

This National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) assesses the status of Iran’s nuclear program, and the
program’s outlook over the next 10 years. This time frame is more appropriate for estimating
capabilities than intentions and foreign reactions, which are more difficult to estimate over a
decade. In presenting the Intelligence Community’s assessment of Iranian nuclear intentions and
capabilities, the NIE thoroughly reviews all available information on these questions, examines
the range of reasonable scenarios consistent with this information, and describes the key factors
we judge would drive or impede nuclear progress in Iran. This NIE is an extensive
reexamination of the issues in the May 2005 assessment.

This Estimate focuses on the following key questions:
• What are Iran’s intentions toward developing nuclear weapons?
• What domestic factors affect Iran’s decisionmaking on whether to develop nuclear weapons?
• What external factors affect Iran’s decisionmaking on whether to develop nuclear weapons?
• What is the range of potential Iranian actions concerning the development of nuclear
weapons, and the decisive factors that would lead Iran to choose one course of action over
another?
• What is Iran’s current and projected capability to develop nuclear weapons? What are our
key assumptions, and Iran’s key chokepoints/vulnerabilities?
This NIE does not assume that Iran intends to acquire nuclear weapons. Rather, it
examines the intelligence to assess Iran’s capability and intent (or lack thereof) to acquire
nuclear weapons, taking full account of Iran’s dual-use uranium fuel cycle and those
nuclear activities that are at least partly civil in nature.

This Estimate does assume that the strategic goals and basic structure of Iran’s senior leadership
and government will remain similar to those that have endured since the death of Ayatollah
Khomeini in 1989. We acknowledge the potential for these to change during the time frame of
the Estimate, but are unable to confidently predict such changes or their implications. This
Estimate does not assess how Iran may conduct future negotiations with the West on the nuclear
issue.

This Estimate incorporates intelligence reporting available as of 31 October 2007.

What We Mean When We Say: An Explanation of Estimative Language

We use phrases such as we judge, we assess, and we estimate—and probabilistic terms such as
probably and likely—to convey analytical assessments and judgments. Such statements are not
facts, proof, or knowledge. These assessments and judgments generally are based on collected
information, which often is incomplete or fragmentary. Some assessments are built on previous
judgments. In all cases, assessments and judgments are not intended to imply that we have
“proof” that shows something to be a fact or that definitively links two items or issues.
In addition to conveying judgments rather than certainty, our estimative language also often
conveys 1) our assessed likelihood or probability of an event; and 2) the level of confidence we
ascribe to the judgment.

Estimates of Likelihood. Because analytical judgments are not certain, we use probabilistic
language to reflect the Community’s estimates of the likelihood of developments or events.
Terms such as probably, likely, very likely, or almost certainly indicate a greater than even
chance. The terms unlikely and remote indicate a less then even chance that an event will occur;
they do not imply that an event will not occur. Terms such as might or may reflect situations in
which we are unable to assess the likelihood, generally because relevant information is
unavailable, sketchy, or fragmented. Terms such as we cannot dismiss, we cannot rule out, or we
cannot discount reflect an unlikely, improbable, or remote event whose consequences are such
that it warrants mentioning. The chart provides a rough idea of the relationship of some of these
terms to each other.

Remote Very Even Probably/ Very Almost
unlikely Unlikely chance Likely likely certainly
Confidence in Assessments. Our assessments and estimates are supported by information that
varies in scope, quality and sourcing. Consequently, we ascribe high, moderate, or low levels of
confidence to our assessments, as follows:
• High confidence generally indicates that our judgments are based on high-quality
information, and/or that the nature of the issue makes it possible to render a solid judgment.
A “high confidence” judgment is not a fact or a certainty, however, and such judgments still
carry a risk of being wrong.
• Moderate confidence generally means that the information is credibly sourced and plausible
but not of sufficient quality or corroborated sufficiently to warrant a higher level of
confidence.
• Low confidence generally means that the information’s credibility and/or plausibility is
questionable, or that the information is too fragmented or poorly corroborated to make solid
analytic inferences, or that we have significant concerns or problems with the sources.

Key Judgments
A. We judge with high confidence that in fall 2003, Tehran halted its nuclear weapons
program1; we also assess with moderate-to-high confidence that Tehran at a minimum is
keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons. We judge with high confidence
that the halt, and Tehran’s announcement of its decision to suspend its declared uranium
enrichment program and sign an Additional Protocol to its Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty Safeguards Agreement, was directed primarily in response to increasing
international scrutiny and pressure resulting from exposure of Iran’s previously
undeclared nuclear work.

• We assess with high confidence that until fall 2003, Iranian military entities were
working under government direction to develop nuclear weapons.
• We judge with high confidence that the halt lasted at least several years. (Because of
intelligence gaps discussed elsewhere in this Estimate, however, DOE and the NIC
assess with only moderate confidence that the halt to those activities represents a halt
to Iran's entire nuclear weapons program.)
• We assess with moderate confidence Tehran had not restarted its nuclear weapons
program as of mid-2007, but we do not know whether it currently intends to develop
nuclear weapons.
• We continue to assess with moderate-to-high confidence that Iran does not currently
have a nuclear weapon.
• Tehran’s decision to halt its nuclear weapons program suggests it is less determined
to develop nuclear weapons than we have been judging since 2005. Our assessment
that the program probably was halted primarily in response to international pressure
suggests Iran may be more vulnerable to influence on the issue than we judged
previously.

B. We continue to assess with low confidence that Iran probably has imported at least
some weapons-usable fissile material, but still judge with moderate-to-high confidence it
has not obtained enough for a nuclear weapon. We cannot rule out that Iran has acquired
from abroad—or will acquire in the future—a nuclear weapon or enough fissile material
for a weapon. Barring such acquisitions, if Iran wants to have nuclear weapons it would
need to produce sufficient amounts of fissile material indigenously—which we judge
with high confidence it has not yet done.

C. We assess centrifuge enrichment is how Iran probably could first produce enough
fissile material for a weapon, if it decides to do so. Iran resumed its declared centrifuge
1 For the purposes of this Estimate, by “nuclear weapons program” we mean Iran’s nuclear weapon design
and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment-related work; we
do not mean Iran’s declared civil work related to uranium conversion and enrichment.
enrichment activities in January 2006, despite the continued halt in the nuclear weapons
program. Iran made significant progress in 2007 installing centrifuges at Natanz, but we
judge with moderate confidence it still faces significant technical problems operating
them.

• We judge with moderate confidence that the earliest possible date Iran would be
technically capable of producing enough HEU for a weapon is late 2009, but that this
is very unlikely.
• We judge with moderate confidence Iran probably would be technically capable of
producing enough HEU for a weapon sometime during the 2010-2015 time frame.
(INR judges Iran is unlikely to achieve this capability before 2013 because of
foreseeable technical and programmatic problems.) All agencies recognize the
possibility that this capability may not be attained until after 2015.

D. Iranian entities are continuing to develop a range of technical capabilities that could
be applied to producing nuclear weapons, if a decision is made to do so. For example,
Iran’s civilian uranium enrichment program is continuing. We also assess with high
confidence that since fall 2003, Iran has been conducting research and development
projects with commercial and conventional military applications—some of which would
also be of limited use for nuclear weapons.
E. We do not have sufficient intelligence to judge confidently whether Tehran is willing
to maintain the halt of its nuclear weapons program indefinitely while it weighs its
options, or whether it will or already has set specific deadlines or criteria that will prompt
it to restart the program.

• Our assessment that Iran halted the program in 2003 primarily in response to
international pressure indicates Tehran’s decisions are guided by a cost-benefit
approach rather than a rush to a weapon irrespective of the political, economic, and
military costs. This, in turn, suggests that some combination of threats of intensified
international scrutiny and pressures, along with opportunities for Iran to achieve its
security, prestige, and goals for regional influence in other ways, might—if perceived
by Iran’s leaders as credible—prompt Tehran to extend the current halt to its nuclear
weapons program. It is difficult to specify what such a combination might be.

• We assess with moderate confidence that convincing the Iranian leadership to forgo
the eventual development of nuclear weapons will be difficult given the linkage many
within the leadership probably see between nuclear weapons development and Iran’s
key national security and foreign policy objectives, and given Iran’s considerable
effort from at least the late 1980s to 2003 to develop such weapons. In our judgment,
only an Iranian political decision to abandon a nuclear weapons objective would
plausibly keep Iran from eventually producing nuclear weapons—and such a decision
is inherently reversible.

F. We assess with moderate confidence that Iran probably would use covert facilities—
rather than its declared nuclear sites—for the production of highly enriched uranium for a
weapon. A growing amount of intelligence indicates Iran was engaged in covert uranium
conversion and uranium enrichment activity, but we judge that these efforts probably
were halted in response to the fall 2003 halt, and that these efforts probably had not been
restarted through at least mid-2007.

G. We judge with high confidence that Iran will not be technically capable of producing
and reprocessing enough plutonium for a weapon before about 2015.

H. We assess with high confidence that Iran has the scientific, technical and industrial
capacity eventually to produce nuclear weapons if it decides to do so.

[Update: Key Differences section removed due to ambiguity. Statements are in tabular form, resulting in intermixing paragraphs between 2005 report and 2007 report. See pdf for that text. JP]
(Edited by Jeff Perren on 12/06, 8:15am)




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