| | Jordan,
"This brings me back to the popular question: How is Existence Exists meaningful? That is, how does it steer us toward Objectivism and away from all else. It would help me to see (1) how some actual philosophies that lack this axiom go astray ..."
Jordan, I understand that your question regarding the value of "existence exists" was couched in language appealing to an academic answer. If my assumption is correct with this, then you may not appreciate my rhetorical appeal to the moral consequences of a lacking or incorrect metaphysics - and for this I preemptively apologize. I just couldn't hold my tongue regarding the importance of correct philosophy!
Here are examples of philosophical inferiority (along with consequences) stemming from failure to identify & integrate [things like] "existence exists" (failure to identify correct metaphysics, something perhaps best exemplified by the "Lost Philosophers" I have jestered about on another thread).
I give you 4 examples which, when taken in isolation, are admittedly weak cases - but when integrated and taken as a sum, provide a strong case for the solicitation to identify and reproach metaphysical errors where we find them.
However, final judgment is left to the reader (the context of reproach/shaming people is admittedly a personal issue - my stance is merely rationally persuasive and meant to appeal to individual reason).
Example 1 - "The likely link between Heidegger's incorrect metaphysics AND one of the most vile and systematic plans for human viciousness ever recorded."
---------- In his path-breaking work, Historical Destiny and National Socialism in Heidegger's Being and Time, Johannes Fritsche demonstrates that not only are the categories discussed in Being and Time not apolitical, but on the contrary, “When one reads Sein und Zeit in its context, one sees that, as Scheler put it, in the kairos [crisis] of the twenties Sein und Zeit was a highly political and ethical work, that it belonged to the revolutionary Right, and that it contained an argument for the most radical group on the revolutionary Right, namely, the National Socialists.”[3]
Fritsche's point is that Heidegger's idiom and use of language were part of a shared tradition of right-wing thought that emerged in the 1920s in Germany. The political content of Being and Time would have been clear to Heidegger's German contemporaries. However, to readers of the French and English translations that circulated a generation or two later, this political content is completely obscured. Instead as Fritsche mockingly puts it, “You see in Being and Time the terrifying face of the old witch of the loneliness of the isolated bourgeois subjects, or the un-erotic groupings in their Gesellschaft [society], and you see the desire for a leap out of the Gesellschaft.” ---------- ---------- Fritsche's argument for reading Heidegger as the philosopher of National Socialism is impossible to summarize here. It relies on a very sophisticated historical and philological analysis of the textof Being and Time. After reconstructing the actual content of Being and Time, Fritsche compares it with the writings of two other notorious right-wing authors who were contemporaries, namely Max Scheler and Adolf Hitler. Fritsche demonstrates that the political content of Being and Time and Mein Kampf are identical, notwithstanding the fact that the first book was written by a world renowned philosopher and the second by a sociopath from the gutters of Vienna. ---------- ---------- For Heidegger, fate had a definite political content. The fate of the patriotic German was identified with the Volksgemeinschaft, a term that was used polemically by the Nazis to denote a community of the people bound by race and heritage. The idea of a Volksgemeinschaft was, in the right-wing literature of the time, often counterposed to that of Gesellschaft, a reference to the Enlightenment notion of a shared community of interests based on universal human values. ---------- ---------- In plain language, “the cancellation of the world of inauthentic Dasein” is a reference to the fascist counterrevolution. It entails the destruction of bourgeois democracy and its institutions, the persecution and murder of socialists, the emasculation of all independent working class organizations, a concerted and systematic attack on the culture of the Enlightenment, and of course the persecution and eventual elimination of alien forces in the midst of the Volk, most notably the Jews. ---------- ---------- One can add the observation made by Lukacs, that official National Socialist "philosophy" could never have gained a mass audience without years of irrationalist culture paving the way.
“But for a ‘philosophy' with so little foundation or coherence, so profoundly unscientific and coarsely dilettantish to become prevalent, what were needed were a specific philosophical mood, a disintegration of confidence in understanding and reason, the destruction of human faith in progress, and credulity towards irrationalism, myth and mysticism.”[14]
Perhaps then Heidegger's biggest crime was not his enlistment in the Nazi Party and assumption of the rectorship of Freiburg. These were merely political crimes, of the sort committed by many thousands of yes-men. Perhaps his crime against philosophy is more fundamental. Through it he contributed in no small degree to the culture of barbarism that nourished the Nazi beast. ----------
The relevant excerpts above were taken from: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/apr2000/heid-a05.shtml
Example 2 - "Positivism AND setting the stage for Totalitarian policy - foreign and domestic."
First: A contradiction ...
---------- Civil or political rights are those included in constitutions or in the bills of rights. They are the rights stated in the Constitution of the United States, its amendments, and particularly in the first ten amendments that are called our American Bill of Rights.
These rights are either granted or not granted by the state, and since they are within the power of the state to grant, they can be countermanded by the state when in the course of history fundamental changes in policy are contemplated.
The Ninth Amendment contains an implicit reference to natural rights by declaring that "The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." Jurists who deny the existence of natural rights think that this Ninth Amendment is an unfortunate blemish in our Constitution because it appears to be an affirmation of natural rights.
Why? Because in 1793, when this amendment was adopted, the other rights retained by the people were probably the natural rights mentioned in the second paragraph of the Declaration of Independence, such as the inalienable right to life and liberty.
Natural rights are inherent in human nature. They are, therefore, inalienable and belong to every human being with no exceptions. They are specifically human rights. Now that they have become part of our government's declared foreign policy, it becomes self-contradictory for legal positivists to deny the existence of natural law and natural rights, and yet to subscribe to our government's foreign policy with regard to human rights. [final italics added] ----------
Second: Associated, horrific, historical consequences ...
---------- You ask whether natural law is relevant to modern conditions. My answer is that if justice is still relevant, then natural law is. Indeed, interest in natural law has increased especially during the past half century, with its experience of the kind of positive laws which have been imposed by totalitarian regimes. On what grounds could a decent German citizen in Nazi times justify his opposition to the laws of the land? On private sentiments or merely personal opinion? Even purely inner resistance to iniquity must be rooted in firmer grounds. "A law which is not just is a law in name only," says Augustine. And Aquinas adds: "Every human law has just so much of the nature of law as it is derived from the law of nature. But if in any point it departs from the law of nature, it is no longer a law but a perversion of the law."
The naturalists, as that name indicates, affirm the existence of natural justice, of natural and unalienable rights, of the natural moral law, and of valid prescriptive oughts that elicit our assent, both independently of and prior to the existence of positive law. The positivists deny all this and affirm the opposite. For them, the positive law -- the man-made law of the state -- provides the only prescriptive oughts that human beings are compelled to obey. According to them, nothing is just or unjust until it has been declared so by a command or prohibition of positive law.
If this is a fundamentally erroneous view, as I think it is, its ultimate roots lie very deep. They rise from the most profound mistake that can be made in our thinking about good and evil. It is the mistake made by those who embrace an unattenuated subjectivism and relativism with respect to what is good and bad, right and wrong.
Neglecting or rejecting the distinction between real and apparent goods, together with that between natural needs and acquired wants, the positivists can find no basis for the distinction between what "ought" to be desired or done and what is desired or done. From that flows the further consequence that there is no natural moral law, no natural rights, no natural justice, ending up with the conclusion that man-made law alone determines what is just and unjust, right and wrong.
This positivist view is as ancient as the despotisms that existed in antiquity. It was first eloquently expressed in the opening book of Plato's "Republic" where Thrasymachus, responding to Socrates' mention of the view that justice consists in rendering what is due, declared and defended the opposite view -- that justice is the interest of the stronger. Spelled out, this means that what is just or unjust is determined solely by whoever has the power to lay down the law of the land.
The positivist view is recurrent in later centuries with the recurrence of later despotisms. It was expressed by the Roman jurisconsult, Ulpian, who, defending the absolutism of the Caesars, declared that whatever pleases the prince has the force of law. Still later, in the sixteenth century, the same view was set forth by another defender of absolute government, Thomas Hobbes, in "The Leviathan"; and later, in the nineteenth century, by John Austin, in his "Analytical Jurisprudence."
Neither Austin nor the twentieth-century legal positivists who follow him regard themselves as defenders of absolute government or despotism. That is what they are, however -- perhaps not as explicitly as their predecessors, but by implication at least. The denial of natural rights, the natural moral law, and natural justice leads not only to the positivist conclusion that man made law alone determines what is just and unjust. It also leads to a corollary which inexorably attaches itself to that conclusion -- "that might makes right" -- this is the very essence of absolute or despotic government. ----------
The relevant excerpts above were taken from the following sources:
http://www.thegreatideas.org/apd-righ.html
http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/adler_naturallaw.html
Example 3 - "The worst thing that 2 humans could do? How could you bring yourself to do such heinous things to children? Ask Myra Hindley, who helped the serial child-rapist/child-killer, Ian Brady. She says that he has some philosophical answers for us to contemplate."
---------- Culpability "I knew I'd never be able to come to any kind of terms with this [the murder of John Kilbride]; that it would haunt me for the rest of my life, as would the murder of Pauline Reade. That is why I've said several times that I am more culpable than Brady is, even though he committed the crimes.
"Not only did I help procure the victims for him, I knew it was wrong, to put it mildly, that what we were doing was evil and depraved, whereas he subscribed to de Sade's philosophy, that murder was for pleasure. [italics added]
"To him it had become a hobby, something one did to get absorbed into, interested and often fascinated with, and it had become literally a deadly obsession. And I knew that I was a part of his hobby and obsession."
No going back "With the killing of John Kilbride, a child, I felt I'd crossed the Rubicon.
"He [Brady] said good, admit ting to having crossed the Rubicon was tantamount to admitting what he'd tried to drum into my head: that what was done was done, and couldn't be undone, there was no going back and even after the first murder we were irrevocably bound together and more so after the second one.
"Just then he looked up at the TV - there was either a football match on or late sports news. He said: 'Look at that massive crowd. Who would miss one person, two, three, etc, from all the millions of people in this country?' I didn't say their parents and family - he never gave them a thought and I knew I'd really have to steel myself to do the same."
Power over life "The following Sunday we were watching Sunday Night at the London Palladium. I can't remember if the host was Bruce Forsyth or Norman someone, but whoever it was his catchword was: 'I'm in charge.' Brady casually said to me: 'What do you think I get out of doing what we've done?' And I immediately said because he was in charge. It was having the power over someone's life and death. He smiled and said good, you know where I'm coming from now." ----------
The relevant excerpts above were taken from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,3858,3968648-104770,00.html
Example 4 - "Admittedly the weakest case of the four, but the most recent"
Something that I noted: The Columbine killers chose their rampage during the hour of their Eastern Philosophy class - the effect of this class itself (perhaps with appeals to embracing contradictions) or the choice of the timing (as a reaction to irrationality - by fighting "fire with fire") are plausibly more than coincidence.
Ed
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