| | Stephen Cox
96— JOURNAL OF LIBERTARIAN STUDIES 19, NO. 4 (FALL2005)
All contractual obligations are limited, of course, by the nature of contract itself. No contract includes a proviso that neither party shall ever “inform” on the other, no matter what. That would be equivalent to saying, “Go ahead, do whatever you like.” You don’t need a con- tract to say that. Any contract that did say it would, in effect, negate the significance of any moral consideration except fulfillment of con- tract, which in that case would be meaningless. We need to recognize, also, that the absence of an explicit contract makes little or no differ- ence to the issue of moral obligation. The world runs on contracts, but the vast majority of them are implicit. If I see one of my students standing beside the road and offer him a ride, then, once we’re on the freeway, command him to jump out of the car, I cannot convincingly argue that it’s my property, after all, and I never explicitly promised to provide for his safety until he reached a good place to leave. No, my promise was real, if only implicit, and he wouldn’t have accepted a ride on any other terms.
Laugh as we may at John Locke’s use of the concept of implicit contract to cover all the embarrassments of his consent theory of gov- ernment, implicit contracts are formative to some degree in virtually every relationship, from the one you establish when you hand the meat clerk a five dollar bill, expecting to be given a steak in return, to the one you establish when you marry, thereby creating a relation- ship the confidential nature of which is sanctioned by law. Law or no law, private relationships cannot exist without implicit contracts, many of which include a proviso of confidentiality. You and I simply cannot be friends if one of us suspects that the other considers him- self perfectly free to turn the other one in, whenever he decides that his friend has taken some “evil” course. (I am not disputing the exis- tence of evil, which is more real than most people think, but only referring to the problems of using the concept of “evil” in a given case.) This, I believe, is the foundation of our almost universal con- viction that confidential loyalty is a virtue, of our frequent inability to define its proper limits, and of the communists’ continuing ability to arouse sympathetic concern for themselves.
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