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Thursday, May 7, 2009 - 6:06pmSanction this postReply
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The problem is the premise.  If in fact you KNOW that any particular captive is Taliban and that this implies that he does not have any kind of commitment to human rights and will happily torture you to death, then there is no particular moral issue in treating him the way he would treat you, if conditions were reversed, although that still doesn't make it a good idea, for many reasons.  But, you don't generally know that.  And, short of a real, transparent, objective trial with an unbiased judge and a rational jury, you generally can't know that or at least can't claim legal justification for disregarding his rights.  It undermines that entire commitment to rights in general to have some individual - whether U.S. military or some warlord's flunky - who has an emotional bias and a vested interest in the outcome, taking over the entire process of arresting officer, judge, jury and jailor - and then torturer.  It doesn't take any kind of sympathy for or excusing of  vicious, evil behavior by "Taliban" to recognize that shortcircuiting the legal process is a formula for multiple levels of disaster.

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Thursday, May 7, 2009 - 7:17pmSanction this postReply
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Phil: "...  If in fact you KNOW that any particular captive is Taliban and that this implies that he does not have any kind of commitment to human rights and will happily torture you to death..."
I appreciate the strawman, Phil.  I had an opportunity to attend a lecture by Boris Yuzhin.  (See here and here.)  The KGB sent him to Berkeley to recruit communists.  Not only did no one want to work for the USSR, they knew more about communism than he did -- because they could read the communist books he could not, the ones banned in the USSR. He got a carel at the city library and began reading the books in Russian.  It did not take long for him to realize that America is an open society -- and what that means. 


Bush administration officials had claimed such methods were needed to get information but the repeated use of the waterboard on Zubaydah and Mohammed were sure to raise questions about its effectiveness.
Two Guantanamo inmates waterboarded 266 times

Moral and practical are two sides of the same coin.


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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 10:59amSanction this postReply
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I think the distinction between "interrogation" and "torture" in the poll is fallacious. Instead it should be "justified torture" or "unjustified torture".

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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 2:06pmSanction this postReply
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The government does not have the authority to lock someone up without going through some kind of process to establish that the person violated someone else's rights. The kind of process, and the amount of power over others needs to be appropriate to the situation. Let's say that a military tribunal did an adequate job of determining that a fellow scooped up in a training camp was a terrorist. That would be an adequate and appropriate process for the situation - one which could determine the prisoner is a major rights violator, and who has no rights.

But to go from there to saying that they should torture the person is a different thing. We hold mass murderers in prison for life or execute them but we don't torture them, not even if we think there is a kidnap victim that only they know the whereabouts of.

People make pragmatic arguments that we should torture because there are ends that somehow justify the means - that lives will be saved. But even if the arguments were correct, that innocent lives would be saved, there are things that you don't do if you are to stay an honorable person, an honorable nation. When we go to war we know that we will end up killing innocent men, women and children. We know that we will lose brave soldiers that fight for our country. But we go to war anyway if we are attacked. The fact that being a torturer can provide some practical gain - even the saving of lives - isn't justification.

There is some line to be drawn between interrogation and torture. I'm not sure of exactly where it is - but like people have said about pornography, I may not be able to define it, but I recognize it when I see it. The amount of sheer terror that is induced with the sensation of drowning is massive. It is torture even if it is at the very low end of intensity. It is like attaching electrodes to the genitals - no marks left, no lasting damage, just an extreme level of physical discomfort.

I say that this issue of torture has nothing to do with rights. If we don't know these prisoners are terrorists, we shouldn't be holding them. And if we do know, then they have no rights.

It isn't about rights - it isn't even about them. It is about us. I don't want to be, or to associate with, or to see my nation join the ranks of dictators, Nazis, sadists, the Spanish Inquisition, and secret police.

And if you want a practical issue to chew on, think about the practical consequences down the road to saying that there is ever a justification under which government can grab up people and torture them to find out stuff. The best practical reason to never, under any circumstance, give legal authority to engage in any torture, no matter how mild is that legal torture is not a precedent we should set, not a practice we want government to feel comfortable with.


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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 2:52pmSanction this postReply
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>The government does not have the authority to lock
>someone up without going through some kind of process
>to establish that the person violated someone else's
>rights.
Within the boundaries of the United States and for citizens (or visa holders, etc.) this is true. But, no such right exists on foreign soil or for non-citizens.

>We hold mass murderers in prison for life or execute them
>but we don't torture them
This is only because everyone in the US has rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Enemy soldiers do not have these rights.

>there are things that you don't do if you are to stay an >honorable person, an honorable nation
To not defend yourself and those you love by any means necessary is dishonorable. To intrinsically value "not torturing" is irrational. You need to show why torture is immoral not merely state that it is.

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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 4:23pmSanction this postReply
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Jordan, you quoted me saying, "The government does not have the authority to lock someone up without going through some kind of process to establish that the person violated someone else's rights." Then you said, "Within the boundaries of the United States and for citizens (or visa holders, etc.) this is true. But, no such right exists on foreign soil or for non-citizens."

We don't grant authority to the government to use force against others, no matter where and no matter who, unless there is just cause, constrained by statute - it is the basis of our concept of the law defining what a government can do. In Brazil there are police who go into the ghettos of Rio de Janeiro and kill kids as if they were wild dogs. It would be just as immoral if the kids were in a foreign country, instead of just in a ghetto. When we talk about individual rights we talk about something possessed by all humans. When we talk about legal rights in this context, we are talking about what we will allow our government to do. I assume you believe that there should be limits on the force used by our government, even if it is deployed on foreign soil and against non-citizens.
-------------

You quoted me as saying, "We hold mass murderers in prison for life or execute them but we don't torture them" And you said, "This is only because everyone in the US has rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Enemy soldiers do not have these rights."

No, it is not about nationality or the constitution - we shouldn't torture because we are not torturers. It isn't about murderers, terrorists, the location, the laws, or the alleged practical consequences - it is about us. The murderer lost his rights by his actions, the terrorist on foreign soil lost his rights by his actions. What our government does to these two is defined by law because we don't let government act on its own, and we choose honorable laws to define government actions because we aspire to be honorable people.

I would have a military tribunal that would do a good job of establishing the facts of a person's status. If the facts are that the person is a terrorist, I'd make them comfortable, but in solitary, and explain that if they can provide enough information to make it worth while for us to support their continuing existence - which would be life in confinement with other terrorists - then we wouldn't execute them. Give them some time to think about it and execute all who don't provide sufficiently helpful information. It isn't about them, it is about us.
------------------------

Jordan, you said, "To intrinsically value 'not torturing' is irrational. You need to show why torture is immoral not merely state that it is."

You make false assumptions about my process of valuing when you use the word 'intrinsically'.

You, who appears to claim that torture is moral under some circumstances, are the one who needs to justify that claim. I hear nothing but "the ends justify the means" - nothing that Nazi's couldn't have claimed, nothing that we didn't learn to be wrong as far back as kindergarten.

And if you aren't aware of a number of reasons why torture is a soul-shriveling disvalue for those who engage in it or sanction it, then I'll leave you to your thoughts, for they are of a nature that I don't want to share in them.




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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 4:48pmSanction this postReply
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>I assume you believe that there should be limits
>on the force used by our government, even if it is
>deployed on foreign soil and against non-citizens.
No, I don't. I want the military to use all necessary force to protect me. i.e. I think the atomic bomb on Hiroshima was justified and correct.

>We shouldn't torture because we are not torturers.
That's a tautology. Again, you are giving intrinsic value to torture.

>You, who appears to claim that torture is moral under
>some circumstances, are the one who needs to justify
>that claim.
I gave a basic argument in previous post: I have a right to defend myself. There is nothing immoral about torture in the context of methods of defense.

>I hear nothing but "the ends justify the means" -
>nothing that Nazi's couldn't have claimed
The Nazis were not defending themselves. They were the aggressors and had no right to the initiation of force. Also, as I point out above, it's not the ends that justify the means. The means are justified by the context in which they are used.

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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 5:32pmSanction this postReply
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Jordan, you said that you want no limits to the degree of force used on foreign soil, but then you do give one limit - "...all necessary force to protect me. i.e. I think the atomic bomb on Hiroshima was justified and correct."

Without showing more precision, you would be saying it is okay to drop nuclear weapons on Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, parts of Thailand, the Philippines, etc. because it will help keep you safe from future terrorism. Without limits of some kind we would have to start killing kids who are enrolled in Madrases, because they may become terrorists. Hopefully you have tighter limits than what you've mentioned so far.

I agree with the dropping of the bombs on Hiroshima because we had very strong evidence of the extremely high loss of American lives that would result from continuing to pursue the war without that extraordinary means - and we were attacking where the threat lived. You are advocating torture of people when we don't know if they have any information that would save lives and when the torture victims are already in prison and are no longer a threat.

We were willing, with good reason, to drop atom bombs on the Japanese, but notice that we did not engage in torture. Neither Japanese, Italian or German prisoners of war were tortured. I can't understand the psychology of those who can feel comfortable with the concept and who see that as the kind of nation they want to live in.

I also notice that you choose not to answer the other arguments made and that this fuzzy concept of keeping Jordan safe takes precedence over all dangers of giving government the go-ahead with this despicable practice - I can't believe that anyone really thinks that if we don't torture people the safety of our nation is at risk.

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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 5:47pmSanction this postReply
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resorting to slippery slope now are we?  No, torturing well-known terrorist leaders - and let us also be clear this - while arguably torture - was nowhere NEAR what REAL torture was like (read what the Nazis and the Japanese did in WW II and that is just the beginning of real torture) - is NOT CLOSE to doing anything you mention.

I do agree some sort of legal proceeding, like a military tribunal, should be required, or some high authority like the president required to authorize it - but that is all - it is not intrinsically any worse, and in fact, is arguably far better, than being shot by a bullet - something police will do in a violent city any day of the week.


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Friday, May 8, 2009 - 9:54pmSanction this postReply
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Without showing more precision, you would be saying it is okay to drop nuclear weapons on Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, parts of Thailand, the Philippines, etc. because it will help keep you safe from future terrorism. Without limits of some kind we would have to start killing kids who are enrolled in Madrases, because they may become terrorists. Hopefully you have tighter limits than what you've mentioned so far.

I thought that we were talking about the methods of war not the authorization of force. When/how to authorize force is a separate discussion. But, once authorized, there should be no limit to what methods we use. So, yes, drop an H bomb on Iran if necessary.


I also notice that you choose not to answer the other arguments made

What did I miss?


this fuzzy concept of keeping Jordan safe

I don't think self defense is a fuzzy concept. What's fuzzy about it?


this despicable practice

War is despicable, yes. But that doesn't mean it isn't necessary nor immoral.

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Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 5:15amSanction this postReply
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We are arguing a set of related, but different questions.  Steve Wolfer holds for an objective law, indeed, for an Objectivist legal system, under which the government of the USA would be limited. 

Whether the Constitution follows the flag is a different question.  It is complicated by history.  This from 2006 was the first hit when I googled the key phrase.  It is an essay by UCLA law professor Kal Raustiala that dispassionately explains the problem in historical fact and case law.

Unfortunately, the related problems of war, warfare and the conduct of war, cloud the issue.  And this is a clouded issue.  For one thing, the people being held by the USA at its base in Cuba were not allowed to be soldiers. In the classic film, The Great Escape, Capt. Hilts (Steve McQueen), is dressed in civilian clothing within the stalag -- however, he wears his captain's bars under his jacket collar and flashes them to show his rank and status as a soldier.  The point is that one single insignia stands for the whole uniform.  Lacking smart dress or fake gold and fake silver jewelry, the Taliban fighters of Afghanistan were denied the rights of soldiers under the Geneva Conventions (Wikipedia)-- which by US law are US law.

It is a principle of law under US law that the law does not weigh lives.  If men kidnap your family and threaten to kill them if you do not kill others (blow up an office building), you do not have a defense under law.  Therefore, it is not an argument under US law that the government can torture someone in order to save lives.

Has anyone here read Atlas Shrugged? The whole country is in a shambles.  People are dying, Infrastructure has failed.  This one guy can fix it.  But he refuses.  And the leaders of the country, they actually do the torturing themselves, not just hiring CIA contractors do it, it's like Condolezza Rice and Karl Rove and Bernard Madoff are right there waterboarding John Galt -- the direct current device is only painful, not damaging.  It's pretty interesting.


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Post 11

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 1:32pmSanction this postReply
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Hey everybody,

The U.S. Constitution is actually available to be read.  Just use wiki...
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district where in the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense.
 
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
  • Ninth Amendment – Protection of rights not specifically enumerated in the Bill of Rights.
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 
 
I'm still looking for where it restricts these rights to U.S. Citizens.  "ALL criminal prosecutions ..." (emphasis added)
9th Amendment: Is there someone here who is arguing that rights derive from the state?  I thought that states were supposedly instituted to protect "rights," implying that rights are derived independent of any state.  In fact, I thought that "rights" as such were pretty clearly defined by Rand.  She argued that a state was a necessary social mechanism for the defense of rights, but her derivation of rights as such stems from the moral requirement for taking action to sustain ones life qua man, not qua "citizen."

So, if rights are inherent in being a human, then all discussion so far that implies otherwise should be considered moot.  I frankly don't see how it is that one "loses" ones rights, for that matter.  If rights are inherent in being human, that is.

Rand: "Rights are moral principles defining and sanctioning a man's freedom of action in a social context"

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Objectivism_(Ayn_Rand)#Politics:_individual_rights_and_capitalism

But, note that this is a brief description, not a full-blown definition.  I prefer my own version, which is consistent with Rand, but integrates some of her other discussion of the issue:

A right is a morally/ethically justifiable prohibition against interference with ones actions.

I.e., to claim that you have a right to speak, means that you can morally/ethically prohibit someone else from interfering with your speaking.  As with all rights, it exists in a context. 

For example, you do not have a right to shout out your opinions of a movie during its showing, in such a way as to force other people to lose their paid access to the movie. This presumes additional context: that they had a right to their money, that the theater owner had a property right to the theater, etc.  If you were a Jew in Germany in the late 1930's and the NAZI owned or coerced theater was showing an anti-semite propaganda film, then likely you would have a right to shout out your disapproval and defiance, as the property rights that otherwise would prohibit you would themselves be invalid.  To rephrase Proudhon, "Property is NOT theft."  Or, "Theft cannot be property."  Or, property stolen is not the property of the thieves.  

Similarly, to claim a physical property right, eg., a car, there has to be implicitly a complex myriad of rights to a multitude of actions by millions of other people, digging up iron ore, creating a legal title system, on and on, but, fundamentally, all those rights bundled into a legal document representing you as the owner of the car, to be valid, have to satisfy the criteria that you can morally and ethically prohibit other people from interfering with your use of that car, derived from the necessity of your taking action to support your life and the similar rights of all the other people.

When one owes more than one owns - i.e., is bankrupt - that doesn't give your creditor the right to kill you, does it?  A murderer is just another example of this.  In common law type legal systems, such as Anglo-Saxon England or Iceland, committing a murder created an enormous debt to all the remaining victims - spouse, children, employer, employees, friends, as well as the legacy of the primary victim. 

Whether it was that your barn had burned and you had no way to pay off the mortgage, or whether you killed or maimed someone, only if you refused to abide by the decision of the court that tried the case against you could you be subject to being legally killed in retaliation, and then, not as a legal directive for an execution, but rather simply that the court would make a determination that you were "Outside the law."  I.e., an "outlaw." 

No longer subject to the court's protection, you were thus vulnerable to any other person's decision to end your life without legal consequences.  You hadn't lost your "rights," except for the specific contractual right to operate under the jurisdiction and legal sanction of the court.


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Post 12

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 2:56pmSanction this postReply
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Phil,

We agree that individual rights exist prior to government. We agree that they exist because we are human, and not because we are Americans, or because of the constitution - those are all things of law - not individual rights.

I am not opposed to torture just on the basis of rights. I am opposed even if rights is not an issue.

If someone is a terrorist, they have abandoned their rights when they became a terrorist. If someone wants to torture them, they can do so and without violating rights that a terrorist no longer has. Doesn't matter where they were captured, or where they are held, or who does the torture - those are things of law.

But I will not engage in or sanction torture - which involve giving up my honor and my values for some marginal increase in security -real or imagined. And I do not want my government to become a torturer for the same reason.

I have always believed that people who strongly favor torture are very angry, or bitter, or frightened people - because at a deep spiritual level it is an attack on choice and mind, it stinks of control over another as a goal, and of the anti-life worship of pain. It reeks of the muscle-mystic's belief that another's mind must be controlled to provide the thug and his buddies with safety - Rand captured all of that powerfully in the scene in Atlas Shrugged that Michael mentioned. It isn't an accident that her characters have no problem putting a bullet in a thugs brain, yet you would never read that one of her heroes tortured a thug for secret information.

And in practical terms, we will always be in far, far more danger from our government than we will be from terrorists and that danger is measured in what powers they can justify, and they will always start with the most 'reasonable' and tightly regulated use of those powers, and then the camels nose becomes a head, then the shoulders...



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Post 13

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 3:18pmSanction this postReply
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Sanctioned Steve Wolfer's and Phil Osborne's posts above -- they've articulated my POV on this topic.

As for the actual poll question, it has a hidden, false premise: "un-uniformed Taliban and Al Qaida combatants"

How do we know that everyone scooped up by the federal government and thrown into a place like Gitmo is a "un-uniformed Taliban and Al Qaida combatant" in the absence of a contested adversarial legal process where this assumption can be weighed by a judge or jury based on the available evidence?

If we make that assumption, that everyone the federal government grabs and incarcerates in this matter is automatically guilty, what is to prevent an enormous, ongoing mission creep, ending in you or I being labeled such a combatant if we piss off whoever is currently in power?

Finally, even if we were to subject such detainees to an adversarial legal process which resulted in a credible determination that the detainee was in fact a "un-uniformed Taliban and Al Qaida combatant", I STILL would consider it immoral and wrong and ill-advised to subject them to torture (and yes, waterboarding is torture) because that violates the relevant parts of the Bill of Rights, as Phil pointed out above. If you want to argue that the Bill of Rights should be revised, go ahead and make that argument, but I think any revision of the Constitution must be made formally, using the stated process for amending it, otherwise it will be shredded, as the past century has amply illustrated.

That is, I am willing to risk the chance that the federal government won't manage to extract every available bit of information from suspected terrorists, even if that ultimately costs some lives, if the alternative is to submit to a creeping, expanding tyranny as the Constitution is informally shredded bit by bit, eventually leading to everyone being ruled by tyrants employing terror to keep the sheep in line.


(Edited by Jim Henshaw on 5/09, 3:24pm)


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Post 14

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 4:40pmSanction this postReply
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Steve:

I have always believed that people who strongly favor torture are very angry, or bitter, or frightened people - because at a deep spiritual level it is an attack on choice and mind, it stinks of control over another as a goal, and of the anti-life worship of pain.


In what context of torture are you speaking of? Random, purposeless torture? Or torture for terrorists who withhold information about future attacks or information on co-conspirators? Because I have no problem with the latter so long as there is some due process to protect the innocent. And I don't feel I am angry or anti-life or worship pain. On the contrary I am pro-life, but not just any kind of life, I am pro-innocent life.

Post 15

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 5:29pmSanction this postReply
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Torture exists on a spectrum of intensity, it is performed from differing motivations - often mixed, and people have psychological traits that also vary in intensity and are often mixed. But it is not some simple one-for-one parallel since what people value is a product of a complex process and a unique history.

I not going to pick out this or that kind of torture, and I don't intend to psychologize anyone here either.

People can choose to agree or disagree with me. I'm satisfied that my position has been clearly explained. I can't think of anything else that I need or want to say on this topic.

Post 16

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 6:53pmSanction this postReply
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"... a dangerous servant and a fearful master..."

  Keep in mind that the Bybee-Yoo memos were mostly repudiated by the current administration, except the two that allowed detaining an American citizen on American soil as an enemy combatant and holding that person for a military tribunal, rather than a court of law.
“I was going down the list and thinking, ‘Check, that’s me,’ ” he said. “I’m a Ron Paul supporter, check. I talk about the North American union, check. I’ve got the ‘America: Freedom to Fascism’ video loaned out to somebody right now. So that means I’m a domestic terrorist? Because I’ve got a video about the Federal Reserve?”
‘Fusion center’ data draws fire over assertions
Politics, banners seen as suspect.
http://www.columbiatribune.com/news/2009/mar/14/fusion-center-data-draws-fire-over-assertions/



(Edited by Michael E. Marotta on 5/09, 7:15pm)


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Post 17

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 7:19pmSanction this postReply
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Re this: "In what context of torture are you speaking of? Random, purposeless torture? Or torture for terrorists who withhold information about future attacks or information on co-conspirators? Because I have no problem with the latter so long as there is some due process to protect the innocent."

John -- I think this begs the question of whether one is actually dealing with a terrorist. What do you mean by "some due process"? Do you mean the "full due process as specified in the Constitution"? Or do you mean "some limited, abridged aspects of the due process accorded other people accused of crimes who are not considered terrorists"? If someone suspected of being a terrorist is deprived of their due process rights, and can't challenge that label in a transparent, adversarial proceeding in court, then you're going to have people labeled terrorists who aren't, and deprive them of the ability -- their right -- to force the government to prove their assertion beyond a reasonable doubt.

And, even if someone were shown to be a terrorist in a transparent, adversarial process in court, they still have rights. Or do you assert that we can torture convicted felons (who are U.S. citizens and NOT accused of being terrorists) because government agents think they may have information that may save lives? Last I checked, no one was making that argument. U.S. citizens can be convicted of doing awful, terrible things, and yet we still do not allow them to be tortured.

So, if you agree with everyone in the criminal justice system that torturing convicted felons crosses a Constitutional line we dare not cross, how can you say that we can chuck the Constitution and torture people who have been alleged to be terrorists, or even proven to have committed some such acts? Do you feel that once that a certain pejorative label (be it "convicted felon" or "terrorist") has been slapped on someone, that they no longer have rights, and that government agents can now do anything they feel is necessary to extract whatever information they desire? Or do you interpret the Constitution to mean that the relevant sections cited earlier in this thread only applies to U.S. citizens, even though the actual text makes no such distinction?

Due process isn't just about protecting the "innocent", as you assert -- it also protects the guilty. It means that even those who commit the most horrific crimes, and are convicted of those crimes, have protections against overzealous or sadistic government agents.

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Post 18

Saturday, May 9, 2009 - 8:07pmSanction this postReply
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Jim:

John -- I think this begs the question of whether one is actually dealing with a terrorist


Well I did establish that qualifier, that one would be dealing with a terrorist. Are you suggesting there's no way to determine whether someone is a terrorist?

do you assert that we can torture convicted felons....Due process isn't just about protecting the "innocent", as you assert -- it also protects the guilty.


No that's not its purpose. It's purpose is to protect the innocent, specifically so that we don't erroneously label an innocent guilty. We don't torture people for say the crime of jaywalking, because that's disproportionate, and disproportionate punishment is itself an initiation of force.

But basically you are implying by your arguments above that;

1) There is no way to objectively determine who is a terrorist

2) That if you torture terrorists, you must therefore torture civilians and for any kind of crime

3) By granting a terrorist the right to be free from torture, you elevate their right to life above that of an innocent person.

Sounds anti-life to me.




(Edited by John Armaos on 5/09, 8:17pm)


Post 19

Sunday, May 10, 2009 - 5:10amSanction this postReply
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John Armaos: "Sounds anti-life to me."

Would you torture someone else to gain a value?

The argument made by Steve Wolfer, myself and others is that the affect on the terrorist is secondary at best, perhaps entirely inconsequential.  It is the affect on you.  What kind of person are you, what kind of person do you become, when you purposely inflict pain on another person? Would you be willing to use the whip, apply the voltage, hold them underwater, yourself?


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