| | I thought that this thread was dead, but I see that it has been revived, and since Michael has replied to me twice without my response, I suppose that I should give him another reply, nice guy that he is. ;-)
I wrote, "Suppose someone's slaps me, and in retaliation I pull out a gun and shoot her. Have I violated her rights? You bet I have, because by resorting to excessive retaliatory force, I have, in effect, initiating force against her. Do you see the principle here? Well, it's the same with punishment administered by the state. It cannot be excessive, otherwise it violates the criminal's rights."
Michael replied, "Yes, Bill, but why is it 'excessive'? Because the force used in retaliation is greater than she initiated, which is what I have been saying all along in regards to the ~proportionality principle~. That is what you are affirming here. And what do we reference to see if retaliatory force is 'excessive'? The actions of the criminal in the first place, we do NOT measure it against any might-be actions of this criminal or any other criminals, i.e. deterrence."
The point is that "IF" we're going to punish someone, then we cannot punish him or her more than in proportion to the gravity of the offense. It is the proportionality principle that limits the degree of punishment and/or retaliation that we have "a right" to impose, but the proportionality principle does not require us to impose it. The only principle that requires us to impose it is future protection and deterrence. There is a difference between having a right to do something and being obligated to do. Although you cannot be obligated to do something without having a right to do it, you can have a right to do something without being obligated to do it. Do you see the difference? What I am saying is that it is the proportionality principle that limits the degree of punishment that we have a right to impose, but that it is the protection principle that obligates us to impose it. So what we have, then, are two different principles that apply to punishment, each serving a different purpose.
I wrote that "deterrence and protection (i.e., prevention) is the only justification for the kind of punishment that is consistent with individual rights. In other words, there is only one kind of punishment that is permissible--the one that is consistent with a respect for the criminal's rights--and the purpose for administering that KIND of punishment is deterrence and protection."
Michael replied, "Yes, Bill I read your revision in post #26 and your later revisions. But as long as you insist on saying that deterrence is the "only justification" for any kind of punishment, you will be starting with false premises."
Protection and deterrence are the only justification for imposing punishment, but not the only justification for limiting the extent of the punishment. The proportionality principle (the individual rights of the criminal) limits how much punishment we have a right to impose.
I wrote, "I agree that the state, AS A PROTECTOR, is justified in reining in the criminal because of this violation. So whom is the state seeking to protect? Future potential victims (including, of course, the victim himself), which is precisely what I'm saying is the purpose of just punishment (punishment that is consistent with individual rights)."
Michael replied, "Roger made this exact same argument earlier and it is a false view of 'protection'. 'Protecting' rights is not limited to an officer sitting outside your house and following you around all day."
Who said it was? And why on earth would you think that that is all that I meant by "protection"?
Michael continued, "Obviously, once a crime has happened, 'protection' in this narrow sense is no longer valid. [Of course!] However, the government 'protecting rights' means enforcing rights once they have been violated."
I agree. When did I ever suggest otherwise?
You continue, "If there was no enforcement, it would render rights meaningless."
It wouldn't render rights "meaningless." The meaningfulness of rights does not depend on their being enforced, even if there is a good reason to enforce them.
I wrote, "You say that he has 'forfeited his own freedom,' which is another way of saying that he no longer has a right to it. Fair enough. But to say that he no longer has a right to it is not to say that we should therefore deprive him of it."
You replied, "Bill, a thief just stole your car, he has 'no right' to it, does that mean you should deprive him of it? Hell YES."
It doesn't follow that just because he has no right to it, I should therefore deprive him of it. I should deprive him of it, only if it is in my interest to deprive him of it. Now, it happens to be true that if the police can recover it and return it to me, they should do so. But they should do so not simply in order to deprive him of something he has no right to, but in order to protect and defend my rights. The state should also punish (e.g., incarcerate) him for stealing it, not simply in order to harm him in proportion to the harm he inflicted on me, but in order to protect people's rights in the future through restraint and deterrence.
You wrote, "Now, a criminal violation is an impingement on somebody's freedom, and the price the criminal pays is his own loss of freedom to the extent of the force he has initiated. This answers the question 'what do we do about it'. He has forfeited his freedom and he will be deprived of it and continued to be deprived until he learns to live among rational men."
I agree.
You continue, "This DOES send a message to the criminals that they will pay for their crimes (i.e. deterrence) but it is the consequence (i.e. 'secondary') of enforcing individual rights."
Of course, it's not just deterrence; it's protection (through restraint) as well. But, in any case, the primary purpose of punishment is the defense of people's rights. It isn't simply to "get back at" the criminal for what he did.
You write, "Bill, it seems like the Average Joe could recognize there is something wrong with the administration of justice when you let a murderer go because punishment would not deter 1 criminal from 1 crime."
But that's not going to happen, because arresting and incarcerating a murderer does serve to protect people's rights and deter crime. The point is strictly hypothetical. "IF" it didn't serve such a purpose, "THEN" there there would be no reason to punish him. But that's clearly not the case, nor do I suspect that it will ever be the case.
You continue, "Doesn't this position disturb you? Don't you think some revision in your position is necessary here, Bill? After all, when you see a family crying outside a courtroom because the murderer who killed one of their family members got off, are those tears because this and/or other criminals would not be deterred? I think not. The tears are because the murderer was not held responsible for his actions and was not punished, i.e. justice was not done."
I'm sure that the family members would be upset if the criminal were let go even if punishing him had no effect on reducing the crime rate, because they want to get back at the murderer for what he did. They want to avenge the death of their loved one. But you can't use the vindictive desires of emotionally distraught family members as a basis for deciding whether or not to punish a murderer, any more than you can use their desires as a basis for deciding what punishment is appropriate. Punishment must be determined (and administered) dispassionately. It cannot be based on anger or vindictive emotion.
Furthermore, what does it mean to hold someone responsible for his actions? It simply means to recognize that he is their author and to take that into consideration when dealing with him. It does not mean that we must punish him for whatever bad conduct he is responsible for. All it means is that we must not punish him for the bad conduct that he is not responsible for.
- Bill
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