| | John wrote, Bill, your whole assumption rests on this: Or is there a point at which we're permitted to say, the price is too high; I refuse to pay it? Yes, there is a point, and we live in a liberal democracy with the option to change our government through vote if we feel the price is too high. Otherwise what is the alternative but a bloody revolution? I'm not ready for something like that. The alternative is freedom of choice, John. To say that the alternative is a democratic vote is to surrender your freedom to the dictates of the majority, and to embrace a version of collectivized rights! (See in this connection Rand's essays, "Collectivized Ethics" and "Collectivized Rights" in The Virtue of Selfishness.
Besides, what if the majority were to vote for a cut in defense spending that is insufficient to finance large scale military operations, like the war in Iraq? There's always that possibility, just as there's a possibility that voluntary contributions may be insufficient to finance them. So why, by the same token, wouldn't you oppose democracy and embrace dictatorship? Why leave the fate of the country in the hands of a fickle majority, when a military dictatorship would positively ensure that the military receives enough money to finance its operations, if that's what you're really worried about?
I wrote, "John, your argument is a two-edged sword. For exactly the same reasons, I could argue that the number of free riders will be few and far between -- precisely because it is in the rational self-interest for people to pay voluntarily for their own protection. So, the small number of free riders that do exist should not be a problem. What's the alternative?" So would you say then those that cannot afford to pay for their own service, or those who choose not to, should not receive justice? By "justice," I take it you mean protection against a violation of their rights. The issue is not whether they should or should not receive protection -- for we are certainly free to offer them protection if we choose to -- but whether or not they have a right to demand such protection as their due regardless of whether or not they pay for it and regardless of whether or not anyone chooses to offer it. Clearly, they do not have such a right, for they have no right to someone else's labor without his or her consent. I've made this point repeatedly throughout this discussion, but it seems to have fallen on deaf ears. Do you not understand that forced labor is a violation of rights -- that it constitutes involuntary servitude? I scarcely imagined that I would have to convince an Objectivist of that?!
I wrote, "And what about staffing the armed services? Don't we have a free rider problem there as well? If each potential service person can decide whether to join or not, won't there be people free riding off the services of volunteers, with some not joining, because they expect that others will, so they don't have to bear the burden of defending the country?" No this can't be a free rider problem if volunteers are compensated for their work to which our soldiers are indeed compensated for their service If there are people who receive protection without paying for it or benefit from national defense without being part of the military, then there are free riders. The issue has nothing to do with whether or not the people who pay the bills or provide the service are being compensated; it has to do with whether or not there are people who benefit from the service without providing it or paying for it -- which occurs under a voluntary army just as well as under voluntary government financing.
I asked John, "What's wrong with the military draft, under your theory of collective responsibility?" A military draft empirically would not work in this country. What do you mean, it wouldn't "work"? During the Vietnam War, which you think we should have continued fighting, we could not have amassed the number of troops we did without the military draft. Besides, whether a draft would "work" or not (i.e., be effective in defeating the enemy) should not be your reason for opposing it. The military draft constitutes involuntary servitude, which violates the 13th Amendment to the Constitution as well as violating the right to life. That should be your reason for opposing it -- i.e., the fact that it violates people's rights. I've addressed this before, and I am not against voluntary taxes per se, I would rather reserve judgment until I could see it successfully implemented in reality. Reserve judgment?? You mean that you favor armed robbery until and unless you're convinced that respecting people's right to their own money will "work," by which I presume you mean succeed in protecting people against crime, i.e., against force and fraud? How can you justify initiating force against people in order to protect them from the initiation of force, or demand that their rights be violated in order to protect them from rights violations? That your position is a contradiction in terms is obvious, yet according to you, the default position is to violate rights until you see proof that not violating them will serve the cause of "justice." Never mind that violating them is itself an act of injustice! If government is responsible for establishing a fair system of due process, and if you say private entities can establish justice so long as they abide by one entity (i.e. monopoly government) rules for due process, then monopoly government must have the ability to use force against a private police force to make them comply should they overstep the boundaries of due process. Who arrests the police and prosecutes them today, if they overstep the boundaries of due process? Other police, right? Well, under a monopoly government with competing agencies of enforcement, if the police in Agency A overstep their bounds, the police in Agency B would be authorized to arrest the violators. Ultimately, those who have the power to enforce the law must choose to abide by the laws themselves; otherwise, no system of government will work. Integrity is the court of last resort, no matter which system one endorses. Under my system, all of the police would be profit seeking agencies and simultaneously part of the government, since they'd be enforcing the government's laws (not their own) and their enforcement procedures would be governed by the laws regulating their activities. Having said that how do you suggest this government receives its funding? Much of it would come from customers paying private agencies for protection of their property. In his book, Cutting Back City Hall, Robert W. Poole, Jr. chronicles numerous examples of private police services already in operation in our major cities. In the thread "Anarchism versus Government" (Dissent Forum, January 16, 2006, Post #3), I cited the following examples:
Stretched across [San Francisco's] northern section are 62 private police beats, "owned" by private police officers who are paid by their customers--the businesses, apartment owners, and homeowners. The "Patrol Specials," as the officers are called, receive a complete police academy training, carry guns, and have full arrest powers. But they are fully private entrepreneurs who receive not a penny of tax money. Instead, once a Special "purchases" a beat (from its previous "owner")--generally for ten times its monthly revenue--it is up to him to negotiate contracts with as many of the beat's property owners as wish to purchase his services. Depending on what is provided, the fees can range from $10 to $1,000 per month.
Some customers, such as the Japan Trade Center, want and pay for 24-hour-a-day foot patrol. Others want only periodic drive-by checks. Special Roger Levit charges homeowners from $10 to $20 a month to watch a house while the occupants are on vacation--rotating house lights, taking in newspapers and mail, etc. For another $30 his men will make regular on-foot backyard checks. Small retail stores may pay as little as $35 a month, while a large apartment house wanting three to six nightly inspections may pay $450.
The San Francisco system thus provides a vast diversity of police services, tailored to the needs of the individual customers who pay for what they want. As in most big cities, the city's own police force has its hands full trying to apprehend serious criminals. The taxpayers can neither afford to provide the specialized patrol services, nor should they have to. The user-pays principle is far more equitable. And in San Francisco it has stood the test of time. The city's private beats date back to the city's beginnings in the 1850s, and were formalized in its 1899 charter. Ayn Rand presents another alternative in her article "Government Financing in a Free Society," (The Virtue of Selfishness). State lotteries are another possibility. Public recognition or disapproval of those who contributed or refused to contribute could also provide an incentive to pay voluntarily, if their names and contributions were publicized on certain internet sites for all to see. Today, the amount of money contributed voluntarily for charities is huge. There is no reason why similarly large contributions couldn't be provided voluntarily for legitimate government activities. Large, prestigious organizations offering high paying salaries, like Google or Microsoft could also implement policies requiring their employees to pay a certain percentage of their income to the government in exchange for being hired by them. There are presumably any number of other possibilities, but these will never be discovered or realized, unless and until coercive taxation is abolished. Give freedom a chance, and you'd be surprised what you'll get. But if you never give it a chance, you'll never know what you missed. If that government can successfully be funded voluntarily then I have no issue with that. And what are the responsibilities of that monopoly government? Purely to enforce rules against other police protection agencies or is it also responsible to provide justice where justice has not been established, e.g. a poor victim robbed of their money and not able to afford private police protection? Whether or not the poor person gets protection who hasn't paid for it would depend on whether or not others who can afford to pay for his protection consider it in their self-interest to do so. They might. But the fact that a poor person cannot afford police protection or the kind of protection that a richer person can afford is not an argument for government intervention, any more than the fact that a poor person cannot afford a coronary bypass operation by a top surgeon is an argument for government intervention in medical services. Objectivists will often hear a question such as: "What will be done about the poor or the handicapped in a free society?"
The altruist-collectivist premise, implicit in that question, is that men are "their brothers' keepers" and that the misfortune of some is a mortgage on others. The questioner is ignoring or evading the basic premises of Objectivist ethics and is attempting to switch the discussion onto his own collectivist base. Observe that he does not ask: "Should anything be done?" but: "What will be done?" -- as if the collectivist premise had been tacitly accepted and all that remains is a discussion of the means to implement it.
Once, when Barbara Branden was asked by a student: "What will happen to the poor in an Objectivist society?" -- she answered: "If you want to help them, you will not be stopped."
This is the essence of the whole issue and a perfect example of how one refuses to accept an adversary's premises as the basis of discussion.
Only individual men have the right to decide when or whether they wish to help others; society -- as an organized political system -- has no rights in the matter at all. -- (Ayn Rand, "Collectivized Ethics," in The Virtue of Selfishness, p. 80, pb.) Bill
(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/17, 10:25am)
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