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Post 180

Monday, August 13, 2007 - 9:16amSanction this postReply
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Sam - interesting idea, but who knows?  No data to know for sure.  What kind of $ would it generate?  Maybe it could work.  How would transitioning work?  We have a lot of work to do already.  Look at how many people go to Daily Kos and places like that.

Post 181

Monday, August 13, 2007 - 1:26pmSanction this postReply
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I have been told that Rand had the same idea. I recall that she mentioned lotteries and fees for administering contracts but I don't remember anything about publicizing donations. Doe anyone have a reference?

Thanks

Sam

(later)
I've been trying to do more research on the alternatives for funding a minarchist government.

Funding Government Without Taxation by Edward W. Younkins, 2004, on RoR. I repsect Dr. Younkin's background in this subject and also that of Dr. Machan who is active in the discussion of Younkin's article.
 Nowhere is there a mention of voluntary contributions matched by public revelations of the individual amounts.  

Am I missing something?

(Edited by Sam Erica on 8/13, 4:42pm)


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Post 182

Monday, August 13, 2007 - 11:01pmSanction this postReply
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Jon Letendre wrote:
Yeah, and I even gave a pass to Bill’s inconsistency on taxes.

He started by insisting they be voluntary, then turned around and said (159) the individual has no right to government functions unless he has paid for them—which is more like my position—I have a right to government, and I have to pay for it!
There is no inconsistency. As I explained in Post 160, I have no right to phone service unless I pay for it -- unless there's an agreement between me and the phone company that if I pay for it, I will get the phone service. The phone company cannot take my money and not provide me with the service. If it does, it is guilty of fraud, which is a form of force. It is in that sense that I have a "right" to the service if I pay for it. The same is true of government protection. If there is an agreement between me and the government to provide me with protection if I pay for it, then if I pay for it, I have a right to the protection. The government cannot take my money and not provide me with the protection. It is that sense that I have a "right" to government protection.

But that doesn't mean that I have an unconditional right to government protection -- a right to government protection even if the government refuses to strike a bargain with me. All it means is that I have a right to government protection if the government agrees to provide it in exchange for a mutually agreed upon price.

You wrote, “The Objectivist state is justified on the grounds that individuals have the right to government protection of their rights.”

I responded, “No, they don't! Where did you get that idea?” You replied,
I got it from the Objectivist argument for government. That argument is that the only way to have one’s rights protected is to have one government. It follows that without government I wouldn’t have my rights protected, i.e., I wouldn’t have my rights. Therefore, I have the right to a government that protects my rights.
This is a non-sequitur. It doesn't follow that without the protection of your rights, you wouldn't have them. A right and the protection of a right are two different things. A right is a moral principle defining and sanctioning one's freedom of action in a social context. The protection of a right is the defense against a violation of a right, often involving the retaliatory use of force. Rights are inalienable; it is the respect for or the protection of rights that is not.

Moreover, government is not the only way to have your rights protected. You can have them protected by private organizations and services. A government is needed to provide a uniform system of laws and to define the proper scope of retaliatory force. It is not required for physical protection, and I would argue that private agencies, operating on the profit motive, would do a far better job than the government police do now. And even if some services are better left to the government, it doesn't follow that you have a right to those services. You don't have a right to other people's labor, whether private or governmental, except as they choose to provide it.
Your argument is more like the anarcho-capitalist line. They argue that “the only rights they have are the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” just as you write.
So does Rand! Go back and read her essay "Man's Rights in The Virtue of Selfishness.
And they argue that individuals may secure these for themselves or they may “pay these organizations [police, courts and military] to provide it.”
The fact that I have these things in common with anarcho-capitalists does not mean that I'm an anarcho-capitalist. Where the anarcho-capitalists and I part company is that I believe that a government is required for a uniform system of laws and to define the proper limits of retaliatory force, whereas the anarcho-capitalists believe in competing governments -- i.e., competing legal systems within the same area of jurisdiction.
I know you will not go for their line, you’ll say that anarcho-capitalism doesn’t work, only a solitary government does.

If that’s true, then my assertion is sound.
Not true, as I discussed previously.
If the only thing that will protect my rights is a single government, then I have a right to that single government. Negating this assertion, saying that I have no right to government, suggests that I have no right to the only thing that will bring about the existential reality of my rights—which is saying that I have no right… to my rights!
If the only person who can provide you with a bypass operation is a heart surgeon, does that mean that you have a right to a bypass operation by him or her -- that he or she has no right to refuse to provide you with one if you need it to save your life? Would you argue that negating this assertion by saying that you have no right to the labor of a heart surgeon if you should happen to need a bypass operation suggests that you have no right to the only thing that will save your life -- which is saying that you have no right to your life?! No, of course, you wouldn't. Then why say essentially the same thing with respect to the protection of your rights that you wouldn't say with respect to the protection of your life?

- Bill
(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/13, 11:15pm)

(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/14, 6:17am)


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Post 183

Tuesday, August 14, 2007 - 6:20amSanction this postReply
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So Bill, how does NOT get the protection of say, strategic nuclear weapons?  or a large surface navy?  You get that whether you pay for it or not, and if you don't have to, they would disappear, and end up leaving us at the mercy of China or Russia, or who knows, even Hugo Chavez.

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Post 184

Tuesday, August 14, 2007 - 8:47amSanction this postReply
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Bill:

Moreover, government is not the only way to have your rights protected. You can have them protected by private organizations and services. A government is needed to provide a uniform system of laws and to define the proper scope of retaliatory force. It is not required for physical protection, and I would argue that private agencies, operating on the profit motive, would do a far better job than the government police do now. And even if some services are better left to the government, it doesn't follow that you have a right to those services. You don't have a right to other people's labor, whether private or governmental, except as they choose to provide it.


Those who choose not to pay for a private service will still have their rights protected because it is in the rational self-interest of other individuals to then subsidize their protection because of the negative externality created from not providing them justice. There is a case here for externalities and free riders when it comes to law enforcement. Because not acting to protect say a poor individual who cannot afford his own protection agency or an individual who can but chooses not to purchase one, will result in a criminal getting away with his crime to strike again in the future. This is not to say private individuals don't have a right to their own protection agency (they do now and private security firms are in abundance in our society) only that we can't get around the problems of free riders and negative externalities.

I can't see the same case being made for any other service. Health care? Perhaps only deadly communicable diseases (government having the power to quarantine or vaccination of highly communicable deadly diseases) but is there a case for the same concern with someone suffering from a broken leg or catching the flu? Is it in my rational self-interest to subsidize those things? I don't think so. A man down the street with a broken leg or heart disease doesn't affect my life at all. A man down the street being attacked by a criminal does affect my life because that criminal will not stop with him.

And as Kurt points out who pays for a Navy, Army, Air Force, and nuclear ICBMs? There isn't a soul in this country that doesn't derive a benefit from those things whether they pay for it or not.

A right is a moral principle defining and sanctioning one's freedom of action in a social context. The protection of a right is the defense against a violation of a right, often involving the retaliatory use of force. Rights are inalienable; it is the respect for or the protection of rights that is not.


Do we not say it is moral and sanction those who seek to defend their rights? So isn't it also your unalienable right to defend your rights?
(Edited by John Armaos on 8/14, 8:59am)


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Post 185

Thursday, August 16, 2007 - 1:22amSanction this postReply
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I wrote,
Moreover, government is not the only way to have your rights protected. You can have them protected by private organizations and services. A government is needed to provide a uniform system of laws and to define the proper scope of retaliatory force. It is not required for physical protection, and I would argue that private agencies, operating on the profit motive, would do a far better job than the government police do now. And even if some services are better left to the government, it doesn't follow that you have a right to those services. You don't have a right to other people's labor, whether private or governmental, except as they choose to provide it.
John Armaos replied,
Those who choose not to pay for a private service will still have their rights protected because it is in the rational self-interest of other individuals to then subsidize their protection because of the negative externality created from not providing them justice.
John, your argument is a two-edged sword. For exactly the same reasons, I could argue that the number of free riders will be few and far between -- precisely because it is in the rational self-interest for people to pay voluntarily for their own protection. So, the small number of free riders that do exist should not be a problem. What's the alternative? To have a far greater number of people as forced riders? -- because that's what taxpayers are. Is it not better to allow someone to receive protection for less money than it is worth to him instead of forcing someone to pay more money for protection than it is worth to him? Is not free riding better than forced riding?
There is a case here for externalities and free riders when it comes to law enforcement. Because not acting to protect say a poor individual who cannot afford his own protection agency or an individual who can but chooses not to purchase one, will result in a criminal getting away with his crime to strike again in the future.
Yes, and that is why people who can afford to pay for police protection would do so voluntarily, if they judge the service to be worth the price. But if they're forced to pay for it regardless of the price, then it is they who become the victims of crime, this time by the very government entrusted to protect them from it. Forced payment is the very definition of robbery, theft and extortion. It makes no sense to force people to pay for protection against force.
This is not to say private individuals don't have a right to their own protection agency (they do now and private security firms are in abundance in our society) only that we can't get around the problems of free riders and negative externalities.
First of all, there is no objective definition of a "negative externality," nor of a "positive externality." A negative externality is defined as an uncompensated cost for which the affected party deserves compensation, and a positive externality as an uncompensated benefit for which the affected party owes compensation. But a negative externality to one person can be a positive externality to another. Suppose, that the person next door is playing loud music. That, to me, is an annoyance, a liability -- a "negative externality." But to his neighbor on the other side, who loves the music, it could be an enjoyment, an asset -- a "positive" externality.

Furthermore, what is a forced contribution if not an uncompensated cost and a liability for the person forced to pay it? What is a forced contribution if not a "negative externality" under the above definition? And unlike loud music, there are no circumstances under which it could be an asset or a benefit to the affected party, because if a person is forced to pay for something, then it follows that he or she doesn't value it enough to pay for it voluntarily. So if negative externalities are bad, forced contributions are worse.
And as Kurt points out who pays for a Navy, Army, Air Force, and nuclear ICBMs? There isn't a soul in this country that doesn't derive a benefit from those things whether they pay for it or not.
Does that mean that we should be forced to pay for them, even if we consider the price too high for the benefits we're receiving? Is there no price we shouldn't be forced to pay the government in exchange for its services? Or is there a point at which we're permitted to say, the price is too high; I refuse to pay it? Not if we're forced to pay whatever the government demands, which is what you get with involuntary contributions.

And what about staffing the armed services. Don't we have a free rider problem there as well? If each potential service person can decide whether to join or not, won't there be people free riding off the services of volunteers, with some not joining, because they expect that others will, so they don't have to bear the burden of defending the country? Isn't this the same problem that you're projecting with voluntary government financing, and shouldn't able-bodied young people be forced, under your theory, to join the military, just as taxpayers are forced to finance its weaponry? Couldn't you argue analogously that there isn't a soul in this country that doesn't derive a benefit from the Army, Navy and Air Force, whether they serve in them or not. So why shouldn't young men and women be forced to serve, if there aren't enough volunteers. What's wrong with the military draft, under your theory of collective responsibility?

I wrote, "A right is a moral principle defining and sanctioning one's freedom of action in a social context. The protection of a right is the defense against a violation of a right, often involving the retaliatory use of force. Rights are inalienable; it is the respect for or the protection of rights that is not."
Do we not say it is moral and sanction those who seek to defend their rights? So isn't it also your unalienable right to defend your rights?
Of course, it is! My point was, it doesn't follow that without the protection of or respect for your rights, you wouldn't have them. You can be denied respect for your rights or the protection of your rights; you cannot be denied your rights. It is in that sense that rights are inalienable. To violate your rights is not to deny you possession of them; it is to deny you respect for them. To refuse to protect your rights is not to deny you possession of them; you'll still have them; you'll simply not have them protected.

- Bill
(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/16, 1:25am)


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Post 186

Thursday, August 16, 2007 - 12:29pmSanction this postReply
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Bill, your whole assumption rests on this:

Or is there a point at which we're permitted to say, the price is too high; I refuse to pay it?


Yes, there is a point, and we live in a liberal democracy with the option to change our government through vote if we feel the price is too high. Otherwise what is the alternative but a bloody revolution? I'm not ready for something like that.

John, your argument is a two-edged sword. For exactly the same reasons, I could argue that the number of free riders will be few and far between -- precisely because it is in the rational self-interest for people to pay voluntarily for their own protection. So, the small number of free riders that do exist should not be a problem. What's the alternative?


So would you say then those that cannot afford to pay for their own service, or those who choose not to, should not receive justice?

And what about staffing the armed services. Don't we have a free rider problem there as well? If each potential service person can decide whether to join or not, won't there be people free riding off the services of volunteers, with some not joining, because they expect that others will, so they don't have to bear the burden of defending the country?


No this can't be a free rider problem if volunteers are compensated for their work to which our soldiers are indeed compensated for their service.

What's wrong with the military draft, under your theory of collective responsibility?


A military draft empirically would not work in this country. I've addressed this before, and I am not against voluntary taxes per se, I would rather reserve judgment until I could see it successfully implemented in reality. I just find your arguments for justice as a commodity to be sorely lacking. Even under a voluntary taxation system, we still need to provide justice to those who do not pay or cannot afford to pay.

If government is responsible for establishing a fair system of due process, and if you say private entities can establish justice so long as they abide by one entity (i.e. monopoly government) rules for due process, then monopoly government must have the ability to use force against a private police force to make them comply should they overstep the boundaries of due process. Having said that how do you suggest this government receives its funding? Does it not need guns to enforce rules for a fair system of due process? If that government can successfully be funded voluntarily then I have no issue with that. And what are the responsibilities of that monopoly government? Purely to enforce rules against other police protection agencies or is it also responsible to provide justice where justice has not been established, e.g. a poor victim robbed of their money and not able to afford private police protection?



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Post 187

Thursday, August 16, 2007 - 6:23pmSanction this postReply
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Just want to clarify my position here. When Bill Dwyer said:

They do not have the right to anyone else's labor, including the labor of the police, the courts and the military -- unless they pay these organizations to provide it, in which case, the failure to provide it would constitute a breach of contract. But there is no unconditional right to be protected and defended by other human beings, including those in the government.


And..

It's a conditional choice, just like any other good or service. If you don't pay your phone bill, you don't get phone service, but it's still a choice. You don't have to subscribe to a phone company, if you think that what it's charging is too high a price for the service. But that's not the case with taxes. You can't refuse to pay your taxes, just because you think that they're too high a price to pay for the services you're receiving from the government. In that sense, they're not a choice. It's as if someone were to paint your house without your consent while you're away on vacation, and when you return home demand payment of an arbitrary sum at the point of a gun. You are not allowed to reject the service or refuse payment for it. That's a denial of freedom of choice.


The implication here is that there is any functional way for an Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps to say to someone who did not want to pay for government services "Ok sir, we will continue to protect America's borders but we won't offer you any protection from foreign invasion". Or take for instance the FBI, and state governments to say "Ok sir, we will continue to establish courts and county jails but we won't go after any criminals that may go after you" is although certainly more possible to discriminate than say a standing army protecting borders, is still problematic as criminals being held in a county jail is an act that protects all individuals, i.e. the public. Unless the government could have the power to forcibly eject you from the jurisdiction that they have power over, you can't ask to withdraw yourself from any government services of rights protection because you get them whether you pay or not. The Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps cannot "selectively" protect most Americans but decide to not protect Joe Schmo living in Detroit who hasn't paid for any taxes, indeed if Joe Schmo is geographically surrounded by his fellow citizens who have opted for military protection from foreign invasion by paying taxes, Joe Schmo is de facto protected as well. It would be non-sensical to say the government could functionally withdraw services from select individuals who do not contribute.

And what about poor individuals who cannot pay? While we assume poor individuals who commit a crime can be subject to arrest and incarceration by the wealthy individuals in society who can afford to have their rights protected, if a poor individual is a victim of a crime from a wealthy individual, then that poor individual is expected to fend for himself. That he only has the right to immediate means of self-defense such as fending himself with a weapon, but once that attack ends, we can't say that poor individual has any right to government services for retaliatory force. On top of that we tell the poor individual he can't on his own accord use retaliatory force. As if this attacker won't stop at the one poor individual? So long as he knows he can continue without retribution on attacking the poor, what stops him? And why would the poor individual be subject to the justice system if he committed a crime but not afforded any justice if he were a victim? Why does in one instance the poor fall under the envelope of justice but in the other he is not?

All over America, there are many wealthy neighborhoods and with a fair amount of poor neighborhoods as well. In effect we would say here in America, we would have pockets of anarchy, and poor individuals would have to decide for themselves how to establish justice. What would cities with predominately lower income classes to do like say Detroit? Do we decide to just wall off Detroit, and let the poor fend for themselves in a state of anarchy? I guarantee you the results would be nothing more than a gang controlled city with the best brutality a gang could offer.

This is not to say if voluntary taxes could sufficiently fund a just government that I would be against this. Why would I? If it would work than that is a far better alternative than forcible taxation (I remain skeptical to whether this would work only because I can't point to any historical instance when it has even been tried, which is why I'm open to the idea). But to say that Justice then would only be reserved to those that pay, and that the poor or those who choose not to pay have no moral claim to the government's labor is given the reality of force protection an absurdity. You get the government's labor for force protection because the only way the government can deny you their labor is by forcibly ejecting you from society, by putting you on a boat, plane or car, and carting you off out of their jurisdictional borders.





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Post 188

Thursday, August 16, 2007 - 9:15pmSanction this postReply
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I too have concerns about “protection for pay” services. Security services , body guards, etc. I have no problem with. They have to operate according to the government’s laws—fine. If push ever comes to shove, the government will be the final arbiter.

However, the government’s status as the final arbiter is never going to stand up just because it’s written on paper. Rather, it will stand only because the government possesses of the levers of force, the police, courts and military. The government must not farm-out all the levers of force, or its status as final arbiter becomes a farce.

And there is a difference between contracting out services and contracting out the implementation of the right protection service itself. Today the military contracts for the vast majority of its needs—General Dynamics makes tanks, Lockheed makes missiles, etc. That’s fine, but note that the stuff is owned by the military, not General Dynamics. Private outfits do not themselves implement protection of rights. This is as it should be. The notion of paying private outfits to implement defense themselves is not realistic.

If our armies were in the hands of Land Force Inc., our strategic nuclear forces distributed across Radiant Silo Co-op, Sunrise Nuclear Submarines, and We Get ‘Em There Atomic Air Drop—then these private entities would in fact compete with the President as to our response to the latest international outrage. The government could point to the law that makes it the final arbiter as to how to respond, but if push came to shove, the government would have no teeth and would be the final arbiter of nothing.


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Post 189

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 1:14amSanction this postReply
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John wrote,
Bill, your whole assumption rests on this:
Or is there a point at which we're permitted to say, the price is too high; I refuse to pay it?
Yes, there is a point, and we live in a liberal democracy with the option to change our government through vote if we feel the price is too high. Otherwise what is the alternative but a bloody revolution? I'm not ready for something like that.
The alternative is freedom of choice, John. To say that the alternative is a democratic vote is to surrender your freedom to the dictates of the majority, and to embrace a version of collectivized rights! (See in this connection Rand's essays, "Collectivized Ethics" and "Collectivized Rights" in The Virtue of Selfishness.

Besides, what if the majority were to vote for a cut in defense spending that is insufficient to finance large scale military operations, like the war in Iraq? There's always that possibility, just as there's a possibility that voluntary contributions may be insufficient to finance them. So why, by the same token, wouldn't you oppose democracy and embrace dictatorship? Why leave the fate of the country in the hands of a fickle majority, when a military dictatorship would positively ensure that the military receives enough money to finance its operations, if that's what you're really worried about?

I wrote, "John, your argument is a two-edged sword. For exactly the same reasons, I could argue that the number of free riders will be few and far between -- precisely because it is in the rational self-interest for people to pay voluntarily for their own protection. So, the small number of free riders that do exist should not be a problem. What's the alternative?"
So would you say then those that cannot afford to pay for their own service, or those who choose not to, should not receive justice?
By "justice," I take it you mean protection against a violation of their rights. The issue is not whether they should or should not receive protection -- for we are certainly free to offer them protection if we choose to -- but whether or not they have a right to demand such protection as their due regardless of whether or not they pay for it and regardless of whether or not anyone chooses to offer it. Clearly, they do not have such a right, for they have no right to someone else's labor without his or her consent. I've made this point repeatedly throughout this discussion, but it seems to have fallen on deaf ears. Do you not understand that forced labor is a violation of rights -- that it constitutes involuntary servitude? I scarcely imagined that I would have to convince an Objectivist of that?!

I wrote, "And what about staffing the armed services? Don't we have a free rider problem there as well? If each potential service person can decide whether to join or not, won't there be people free riding off the services of volunteers, with some not joining, because they expect that others will, so they don't have to bear the burden of defending the country?"
No this can't be a free rider problem if volunteers are compensated for their work to which our soldiers are indeed compensated for their service
If there are people who receive protection without paying for it or benefit from national defense without being part of the military, then there are free riders. The issue has nothing to do with whether or not the people who pay the bills or provide the service are being compensated; it has to do with whether or not there are people who benefit from the service without providing it or paying for it -- which occurs under a voluntary army just as well as under voluntary government financing.

I asked John, "What's wrong with the military draft, under your theory of collective responsibility?"
A military draft empirically would not work in this country.
What do you mean, it wouldn't "work"? During the Vietnam War, which you think we should have continued fighting, we could not have amassed the number of troops we did without the military draft. Besides, whether a draft would "work" or not (i.e., be effective in defeating the enemy) should not be your reason for opposing it. The military draft constitutes involuntary servitude, which violates the 13th Amendment to the Constitution as well as violating the right to life. That should be your reason for opposing it -- i.e., the fact that it violates people's rights.
I've addressed this before, and I am not against voluntary taxes per se, I would rather reserve judgment until I could see it successfully implemented in reality.
Reserve judgment?? You mean that you favor armed robbery until and unless you're convinced that respecting people's right to their own money will "work," by which I presume you mean succeed in protecting people against crime, i.e., against force and fraud? How can you justify initiating force against people in order to protect them from the initiation of force, or demand that their rights be violated in order to protect them from rights violations? That your position is a contradiction in terms is obvious, yet according to you, the default position is to violate rights until you see proof that not violating them will serve the cause of "justice." Never mind that violating them is itself an act of injustice!
If government is responsible for establishing a fair system of due process, and if you say private entities can establish justice so long as they abide by one entity (i.e. monopoly government) rules for due process, then monopoly government must have the ability to use force against a private police force to make them comply should they overstep the boundaries of due process.
Who arrests the police and prosecutes them today, if they overstep the boundaries of due process? Other police, right? Well, under a monopoly government with competing agencies of enforcement, if the police in Agency A overstep their bounds, the police in Agency B would be authorized to arrest the violators. Ultimately, those who have the power to enforce the law must choose to abide by the laws themselves; otherwise, no system of government will work. Integrity is the court of last resort, no matter which system one endorses. Under my system, all of the police would be profit seeking agencies and simultaneously part of the government, since they'd be enforcing the government's laws (not their own) and their enforcement procedures would be governed by the laws regulating their activities.
Having said that how do you suggest this government receives its funding?
Much of it would come from customers paying private agencies for protection of their property. In his book, Cutting Back City Hall, Robert W. Poole, Jr. chronicles numerous examples of private police services already in operation in our major cities. In the thread "Anarchism versus Government" (Dissent Forum, January 16, 2006, Post #3), I cited the following examples:
Stretched across [San Francisco's] northern section are 62 private police beats, "owned" by private police officers who are paid by their customers--the businesses, apartment owners, and homeowners. The "Patrol Specials," as the officers are called, receive a complete police academy training, carry guns, and have full arrest powers. But they are fully private entrepreneurs who receive not a penny of tax money. Instead, once a Special "purchases" a beat (from its previous "owner")--generally for ten times its monthly revenue--it is up to him to negotiate contracts with as many of the beat's property owners as wish to purchase his services. Depending on what is provided, the fees can range from $10 to $1,000 per month.

Some customers, such as the Japan Trade Center, want and pay for 24-hour-a-day foot patrol. Others want only periodic drive-by checks. Special Roger Levit charges homeowners from $10 to $20 a month to watch a house while the occupants are on vacation--rotating house lights, taking in newspapers and mail, etc. For another $30 his men will make regular on-foot backyard checks. Small retail stores may pay as little as $35 a month, while a large apartment house wanting three to six nightly inspections may pay $450.

The San Francisco system thus provides a vast diversity of police services, tailored to the needs of the individual customers who pay for what they want. As in most big cities, the city's own police force has its hands full trying to apprehend serious criminals. The taxpayers can neither afford to provide the specialized patrol services, nor should they have to. The user-pays principle is far more equitable. And in San Francisco it has stood the test of time. The city's private beats date back to the city's beginnings in the 1850s, and were formalized in its 1899 charter.
Ayn Rand presents another alternative in her article "Government Financing in a Free Society," (The Virtue of Selfishness). State lotteries are another possibility. Public recognition or disapproval of those who contributed or refused to contribute could also provide an incentive to pay voluntarily, if their names and contributions were publicized on certain internet sites for all to see. Today, the amount of money contributed voluntarily for charities is huge. There is no reason why similarly large contributions couldn't be provided voluntarily for legitimate government activities. Large, prestigious organizations offering high paying salaries, like Google or Microsoft could also implement policies requiring their employees to pay a certain percentage of their income to the government in exchange for being hired by them. There are presumably any number of other possibilities, but these will never be discovered or realized, unless and until coercive taxation is abolished. Give freedom a chance, and you'd be surprised what you'll get. But if you never give it a chance, you'll never know what you missed.
If that government can successfully be funded voluntarily then I have no issue with that. And what are the responsibilities of that monopoly government? Purely to enforce rules against other police protection agencies or is it also responsible to provide justice where justice has not been established, e.g. a poor victim robbed of their money and not able to afford private police protection?
Whether or not the poor person gets protection who hasn't paid for it would depend on whether or not others who can afford to pay for his protection consider it in their self-interest to do so. They might. But the fact that a poor person cannot afford police protection or the kind of protection that a richer person can afford is not an argument for government intervention, any more than the fact that a poor person cannot afford a coronary bypass operation by a top surgeon is an argument for government intervention in medical services.
Objectivists will often hear a question such as: "What will be done about the poor or the handicapped in a free society?"

The altruist-collectivist premise, implicit in that question, is that men are "their brothers' keepers" and that the misfortune of some is a mortgage on others. The questioner is ignoring or evading the basic premises of Objectivist ethics and is attempting to switch the discussion onto his own collectivist base. Observe that he does not ask: "Should anything be done?" but: "What will be done?" -- as if the collectivist premise had been tacitly accepted and all that remains is a discussion of the means to implement it.

Once, when Barbara Branden was asked by a student: "What will happen to the poor in an Objectivist society?" -- she answered: "If you want to help them, you will not be stopped."

This is the essence of the whole issue and a perfect example of how one refuses to accept an adversary's premises as the basis of discussion.

Only individual men have the right to decide when or whether they wish to help others; society -- as an organized political system -- has no rights in the matter at all. -- (Ayn Rand, "Collectivized Ethics," in The Virtue of Selfishness, p. 80, pb.)
Bill


(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/17, 10:25am)


Post 190

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 11:35amSanction this postReply
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Bill this is absurd:

The alternative is freedom of choice, John. To say that the alternative is a democratic vote is to surrender your freedom to the dictates of the majority, and to embrace a version of collectivized rights!


The only alternative is anarchy if we are to think anything is a matter of freedom of choice. Justice is not a matter of freedom of choice. We can't individually decide to withdraw from the umbrella of justice or national defense or individually decide the rules for due process. If we wish to characterize deciding what the rules for due process should be through vote and a limited constitutional government as "collectivist", then so be it. If that makes me a "collectivist", then don't bother sending me anymore Objectivist dues.

By "justice," I take it you mean protection against a violation of their rights. The issue is not whether they should or should not receive protection -- for we are certainly free to offer them protection if we choose to


Did you choose how to apply the standard of probable cause? Did you choose the rules of habeas corpus? If Objectivists do not believe in the principle layed out by the founding fathers that all men are created equal under the law, I want nothing to do with Objecitivism. For the notion that we are all equal under the law must also presume the application of justice cannot be applied unevenly. If laws are to be "objective" they must be "objectively" applied.

I wrote:

I am not against voluntary taxes per se, I would rather reserve judgment until I could see it successfully implemented in reality.


To which Bill incredulously responded:

Reserve judgment?? You mean that you favor armed robbery until and unless you're convinced that respecting people's right to their own money will "work," by which I presume you mean succeed in protecting people against crime, i.e., against force and fraud?


Hello?!! Only crime protection? There's this thing called a standing army with nuclear ICBM missiles that on average costs 400 billion dollars per year. (Almost 1/5th the entire Federal budget I believe) So no, I don't mean just crime protection. Why do you think we live in such relative peace without any serious threat of foreign invasion? If we could raise those kinds of funds voluntarily, then hey I'm all for voluntary taxation. But you have to realize the monstrous costs involved in national defense, and combined with the costs of running trials, operating prisons, and paying probably the least costly out of all of that police officers.

How can you justify initiating force against people in order to protect them from the initiation of force or demand that their rights be violated in order to protect them from rights violations?


How can you demand we hold over an individual for trial with the presumption of innocence? How can you demand we allow an army to use someone's farmland to mount a defense with or without his consent? The government obviously should have the power to initiate force or else no one could be held over for trial, and never could an army effectively defend the borders of the government's jurisdiction if it must ask for permission and comply with a refusal by the landowner to use that land to mount a defense. The important thing is the government be limited in its power through a constitutional republic with shared powers of government with its leadership democratically voted into power. The idea is that government applies retaliatory force, and it some contexts must initiate force to successfully apply retaliatory force. Unless you can explain to me how we can justly hold over an innocent person for trial and initiate force against him until a trial can exonerate him, this refusal to address why the government should have that power and not label it as an initiation of force is bordering on the absurd.

I wrote:

If government is responsible for establishing a fair system of due process, and if you say private entities can establish justice so long as they abide by one entity (i.e. monopoly government) rules for due process, then monopoly government must have the ability to use force against a private police force to make them comply should they overstep the boundaries of due process.


To which you responded:

Who arrests the police and prosecutes them today, if they overstep the boundaries of due process? Other police, right? Well, under a monopoly government with competing agencies of enforcement, if the police in Agency A overstep their bounds, the police in Agency B would be authorized to arrest the violators. Ultimately, those who have the power to enforce the law must choose to abide by the laws themselves; otherwise, no system of government will work. Integrity is the court of last resort, no matter which system one endorses. Under my system, all of the police would be profit seeking agencies and simultaneously part of the government, since they'd be enforcing the government's laws (not their own) and their enforcement procedures would be governed by the laws regulating their activities.


I'm glad we don't live under your system because it begs for endless civil wars. Right now if a local law enforcement agency does not comply with federal law, either state or federal police come and make them comply, the state and Federal police are not owned by a private entity, they do not bow to the wishes of a consumer. Today when a private security firm has the power to detain an individual, they must immediately notify the local police and hand them over to them for formal charges, arraignment, and finally trial. Note that the private security firm does not have the power to apply retaliatory force and for good reason. Nor are they permitted to own tanks, F-16 fighter jets and nuclear ICBMs. Your system is nothing but "anarchy-lite", you want the appeal of the free-market argument for efficiency but avoid the irrationality of anarcho-Capitalism. If say a state wants to secede from the Union to say establish slavery, an Army (not multiple armies under different companies) one army with its loyalty to the Constitution and the President (not loyalty to their board of directors) is sent to squash the insurrection. You can't reasonably expect objectivity in the application of the law if the authorities answer to the consumer's threat of finding a different competing authority. You won't get any objective application of retaliatory force that way. Nor can you expect that with competing authorities that disagreements will never arise over even the established and agreed upon rules of law, (we can after all agree on the rules but disagree on the particulars of a case) without one protection agency (not privately owned) having the authority to step in and say "this is how it's going to be" with it's own ability to use force without the worry of satisfying the irrational and subjective whims of their customers.

How do you expect any objectivity in the application of retaliatory force if people can just willy nilly drop one police agency and sign up for one that will get them "results". And by results I mean disproportionate punishments for criminals, or undue punishment to the presumed innocent who has not been objectively proven beyond a reasonable doubt to be guilty.

I think Jon L. addressed this well enough when he said:

And there is a difference between contracting out services and contracting out the implementation of the right protection service itself. Today the military contracts for the vast majority of its needs—General Dynamics makes tanks, Lockheed makes missiles, etc. That’s fine, but note that the stuff is owned by the military, not General Dynamics. Private outfits do not themselves implement protection of rights. This is as it should be. The notion of paying private outfits to implement defense themselves is not realistic.

If our armies were in the hands of Land Force Inc., our strategic nuclear forces distributed across Radiant Silo Co-op, Sunrise Nuclear Submarines, and We Get ‘Em There Atomic Air Drop—then these private entities would in fact compete with the President as to our response to the latest international outrage. The government could point to the law that makes it the final arbiter as to how to respond, but if push came to shove, the government would have no teeth and would be the final arbiter of nothing.


I would add to that don't expect any kind of unified loyalty to the President either. If these mulitple and privately owned competing armies answer each to their own respective board of directors, and if they each individually own the tanks, the jets, the ICBMs, good luck in getting them to answer to the President and the congress and not their respective consumers. You would just be asking for a civil war.


I originally wrote:

Having said that how do you suggest this government receives its funding?


To which Bill responded:

Much of it would come from customers paying private agencies for protection of their property.


Protecting property is one thing, applying retaliatory force is another. The cost in just protecting the public with police officers is a minimal cost even today. The cost of running a trial, operating prisons, paying for CSI forensics labs, and finally paying for a standing army is monstrously high.

Ayn Rand presents another alternative in her article "Government Financing in a Free Society," (The Virtue of Selfishness). State lotteries are another possibility.


I honestly thought this was a pretty kooky idea from Rand. I mean it assumes that "lotteries" could actually raise the kind of money needed to fund the justice system and our military, but it also assumes the state must forbid private entities from conducting their own lotteries and only the state can have a lottery. Go to Nevada (I lived there for three years) where any Casino has the freedom to conduct a lottery (it's called Keno) and ask the average Las Vegas resident if they would rather play the lottery or play Keno?

I originally wrote:

If that government can successfully be funded voluntarily then I have no issue with that. And what are the responsibilities of that monopoly government? Purely to enforce rules against other police protection agencies or is it also responsible to provide justice where justice has not been established, e.g. a poor victim robbed of their money and not able to afford private police protection?


To which you responded:

Whether or not the poor person gets protection who hasn't paid for it would depend on whether or not others who can afford to pay for his protection consider it in their self-interest to do so. They might. But the fact that a poor person cannot afford police protection or the kind of protection that a richer person can afford is not an argument for government intervention, any more than the fact that a poor person cannot afford a coronary bypass operation by a top surgeon is an argument for government intervention in medical services.


Again, the comparison is so utterly ridiculous and you fail to see the problem here with Justice as a commodity. I wrote in post 187

And what about poor individuals who cannot pay? While we assume poor individuals who commit a crime can be subject to arrest and incarceration by the wealthy individuals in society who can afford to have their rights protected, if a poor individual is a victim of a crime from a wealthy individual, then that poor individual is expected to fend for himself. That he only has the right to immediate means of self-defense such as fending himself with a weapon, but once that attack ends, we can't say that poor individual has any right to government services for retaliatory force. On top of that we tell the poor individual he can't on his own accord use retaliatory force. As if this attacker won't stop at the one poor individual? So long as he knows he can continue without retribution on attacking the poor, what stops him? And why would the poor individual be subject to the justice system if he committed a crime but not afforded any justice if he were a victim? Why does in one instance the poor fall under the envelope of justice but in the other he is not?


What you allow Bill is a functional kind of slavery over the poor all the while with the intent of upholding the principle of freedom of choice. If the poor can be victims of a crime without any guarantee of retaliatory force used against the criminal, I guarantee you, you will have some sick individuals who have enough wealth commit vile criminal acts against the poor because they don't have to worry about retaliation. If you have a serial killer murdering homeless people and prostitutes, we are to assume as a society we would permit that behavior because the poor and homeless are not entitled to any justice. Justice for the wealthy, but not for the poor. It can be in someone's interests to prey on the poor, the defenseless, those that cannot fight back with weapons or with their hired police protection. You are in effect advocating the wealthy have the ability of force initiation against the poor while screaming "but it's wrong to initiate force!". Words written on paper or spoken that it's wrong to use force against the poor won't stop people from doing that.
(Edited by John Armaos on 8/17, 11:52am)


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Post 191

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 12:05pmSanction this postReply
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And about the Vietnam war:

During the Vietnam War, which you think we should have continued fighting,


No, you have mischaracterized my position. The war was over and won in 1973. The South Vietnamese successfully fended off the Soviet and Chinese backed NVA for two years only with material aid and support from the U.S. and were defeated after the Democrats cut funding in 1975. I think the U.S. should've continued funding the South Vietnamese, not fighting with them with a drafted army. And yes, the U.S. should've continued fighting the Soviet Union (fighting in that context as in a cold war, not necessarily direct miliatary confrontation), the greatest threat in the 20th century to humanity. Excuse me for rooting for the good guys to win.
(Edited by John Armaos on 8/17, 12:33pm)


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Post 192

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 12:42pmSanction this postReply
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John,

Let me cut to the chase here. Do you or do you not agree with Rand's concept of rights as enunciated in her article, "Man's Rights" in The Virtue of Selfishness? -- wherein she states:

"The concept of a 'right' pertains only to action -- specifically, to freedom of action. It means freedom from physical compulsion, coercion or interference by other men.

"Thus, for every individual, a right is the moral sanction of a positive -- of his freedom to act on his own judgment, for his own goals, by his own voluntary, uncoerced choice. As to his neighbors, his rights impose no obligations on them except of a negative kind: to abstain from violating his rights....

"To violate man's rights means to compel him to act against his own judgment, or to expropriate his values. Basically, there is only one way to do it: by the use of physical force."

I wrote, "Ayn Rand presents another alternative in her article "Government Financing in a Free Society," (The Virtue of Selfishness). State lotteries are another possibility."

You replied, "I honestly thought this was a pretty kooky idea from Rand. I mean it assumes that "lotteries" could actually raise the kind of money needed to fund the justice system and our military...."

John, Rand didn't advocate state lotteries. Go back and read the statement you're responding to, and you'll see that I was referring to her article "Government Financing in a Free Society," in which she proposes not lotteries but fees for the privilege of having one's contracts defended in a court of law. I mentioned lotteries only as another possibility. I certainly wasn't suggesting that lotteries alone would be sufficient to fund all activities of government.

Much of the rest of your reply to me is similar to this, in that it misses the point of what I was saying. Since you're not as familiar with Objectivism as I thought you were, I would recommend reading The Virtue of Selfishness which explains the Objectivist position on many of the issues we've been discussing. Then if you still disagree with Rand on these issues, I'd be interested in hearing your response.

- Bill

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Post 193

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 12:59pmSanction this postReply
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Bill the problem I have here is that you blur the distinction between types of initiations of force. We do need to allow government to use initiations of force to protect man's rights, otherwise we could never arrest anyone while giving them the presumption of innocence. To say we have the right to be free from any kind of force presumes all force to be morally equivalent.

Can we for example trust a private militia that answer to their customers to effectively quarantine an outbreak of a deadly and highly communicable disease?

There can be an intellectual distinctions between types of initiations of force, and the purpose and intent of those types of force.

A rapist is not operating with the intent to uphold rights or upholding the value of life. The government initiating force in the context of quarantine, holding over the presumed innocent for trial, the army using someone's farmland to mount a defense with or without his consent, is in service to life and the protection of man's rights. That kind of initiation of force is upholdng the value of life, the rapist, the murderer, the theif, is not upholding that value. To blur the distinction here is presuming that a government quarantine, the presumption of innocence while detaining an individual for trial, and eminent domain for war time defense, is morally equivalent to people like Jeffrey Dahmer, the North Hollywood bank robbers, and serial rapists runs the danger of making Objectivism look like a kooky philosophy. I can't honestly sit here and say these are all conceptually the same kinds of force.


Post 194

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 3:18pmSanction this postReply
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To address voluntary taxation. I originally said:

I am not against voluntary taxes per se, I would rather reserve judgment until I could see it successfully implemented in reality.


To which Bill responded:

Reserve judgment?? You mean that you favor armed robbery until and unless you're convinced that respecting people's right to their own money will "work,"


I find this response to be an unfair characterization of my position. I do want to see voluntary taxes tried and implemented. I would think the best way to do this is try it in several states. Say a state like Nevada or New Hampshire wants to introduce voluntary taxation. I would support that decision as I would be eager to see this political theory tested in reality. I don't recall who came up with the idea of each state of the union trying its own experiment to see what kind of laws work well and which don't but this is what I have in mind. To say I am for armed robbery by wishing to reserve judgment until I see voluntary taxes work successfully I think is uncalled for, unfair, and putting my position in the most unfair light that one can. The fact that I'm saying "I want to be proved wrong, let's test the hypothesis and wait and see" means "I'm for armed robbery" I think only turns me off to these discussions.

Post 195

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 3:27pmSanction this postReply
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In other words, you are a pragmatist, not a principlist.... if ye cannot see it working NOW, then the hell with principles....

Post 196

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 3:35pmSanction this postReply
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I see, so the fact I say it may work and would like to see it tried means I'm the devil and would like people be victims of armed robbery.

Seriously Robert, let it be known I find zero value in your posts here and I couldn't give one shit what names you throw at me.

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Post 197

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 3:41pmSanction this postReply
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John: As you know, I am a proponent of voluntary taxation but —
I would think the best way to do this is try it in several states. Say a state like Nevada or New Hampshire wants to introduce voluntary taxation. I would support that decision as I would be eager to see this political theory tested in reality.
I certainly wouldn't want to voluntarily pay taxes in those states or any others under the present sociological conditions. My taxes would be applied to social programs that I totally disagree with. My support of voluntary contributions go only as far as supporting a minimal state. I think such a proposal would be a total disaster. If I wouldn't contribute, why would anyone else less committed contribute? ( Maybe idealistic altruists, but how does that further objectivist goals?)

Sam


Post 198

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 3:58pmSanction this postReply
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Sam I think that's reasonable. But perhaps the voluntary taxation in say Nevada or New Hampshire though may force the state to cut back on altruistic programs like welfare? Maybe it could work. And I thank you for not labeling me as an armed robber. And I appreciate you at least make an intellectual distinction and do not morally equate taxation for altruistic welfare programs and taxation for force protection.

Post 199

Friday, August 17, 2007 - 4:18pmSanction this postReply
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Bill the problem I have here is that you blur the distinction between types of initiations of force. We do need to allow government to use initiations of force to protect man's rights, otherwise we could never arrest anyone while giving them the presumption of innocence. To say we have the right to be free from any kind of force presumes all force to be morally equivalent.
John, you still haven't answered my question. Do you agree with Rand's view of rights or not?

Secondly, I did not say that we have the right to be free from any kind of force. I said that we have the right to be free from the initiation of force, not from retaliatory force.

As for arresting someone, the police must have proof that he's a bona fide suspect -- they must have evidence sufficient to suspect him of the crime. Otherwise, he's presumed innocent of reasonable suspicion, in which case, the police have no right to arrest or detain him. If they do, they are initiating force against him.
Can we for example trust a private militia that answers to their customers to effectively quarantine an outbreak of a deadly and highly communicable disease?
Yes. If the people carrying the disease are a threat to their customers, then we can trust the competing agencies to do a better job of protecting their customers than a public agency would do; if the competing agencies fail, they must answer to their customers and will lose business. If the government's monopoly fails, what other recourse do people have, when the government is the only show in town? As you well know, governments are notoriously inefficient in whatever they do, whether it's defending people's rights or protecting their health.
There can be an intellectual distinctions between types of initiations of force, and the purpose and intent of those types of force.
The only time it is legitimate to initiate force is an emergency in which one's own life depends on it, since one's life is one's highest value. The government cannot do it on behalf of others, and certainly not as a matter of public policy in order to defend people's rights. It makes no sense to violate rights in order to defend people's rights from being violated, which is a contradiction in terms.
A rapist is not operating with the intent to uphold rights or upholding the value of life.
It doesn't matter. What it means to violate someone's rights is to initiate force against him. Even if you initiate force in an emergency to save your own life, you still owe the victim compensation. But there can be no justification for initiating force in order to protect people from the initiation of force. If you do it for that purpose, you are contradicting the very intent of your actions. You are violating rights for the purpose of upholding them.
The government initiating force in the context of quarantine, holding over the presumed innocent for trial, the army using someone's farmland to mount a defense with or without his consent, is in service to life and the protection of man's rights.
If you quarantine someone who has a deadly communicable disease, you are not initiating force against him if, without being quarantined, he would expose others to his disease. By exposing others, it is he who would be initiating force against them. You, therefore, have a right to prevent him from doing so by quarantining him, in which case, you're using retaliatory force, not the initiation of force.

As for an army's using someone's farmland to defend against an enemy invasion, it can be argued that by not allowing the army to use his land, the farmer is protecting the enemy and is therefore an accessory to the invader's initiation of force. In forcibly occupying his land, the army is resorting not to the initiation of force but to retaliatory force.

Suppose that Jeffrey Dahmer is one of your tenants, and the police come to arrest him. If you deny them access to your property, you are protecting a dangerous killer and are therefore aiding and abetting his criminal activities. In doing so, you become an accessory to the initiation of force, and the police have every right to force their way onto your property. In doing so, they are resorting not to the initiation of force, but to retaliatory force.

In short, the initiation of force is always wrong, except in dire emergencies in order to save one's own life, and even in that case, one owes the victim compensation. The reason the initiation of force always violates rights, except in the above case, is that it is the initiation of force that DEFINES a violation of rights. To violate someone's rights is to interfere with his or her self-direction or self-determination. It is this kind of interference that distinguishes involuntary servitude from free labor, theft from gifts, rape from consensual sex and a boxing match from an assault. The initiation of force is the essential element in a violation of rights. If you have it, you have a violation of rights; otherwise, you don't. That's why Objectivism emphasizes the inviolability of one's freedom of action and why Rand states that "to violate man's rights means to compel him to act against his own judgment, or to expropriate his values." (Emphasis added) It's also why she states, in Galt's speech, that "force is proper only in retaliation and only against the man who initiates its use."

- Bill
(Edited by William Dwyer on 8/17, 5:15pm)


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